6723 PSOCIAL 2422-619X Universidad de Buenos Aires Argentina hugosimkin@sociales.uba.ar 672377231024 Sin sección Social representations of democracy in Colombia: a dimensional and territorial approach https://orcid.org/0000-0002-8996-9736 Ruiz-Pérez José Ignacio jiruizp@unal.edu.co https://orcid.org/0000-0001-9492-9176 Vargas Espinosa Nancy Marina nmvargase@gmail.com https://orcid.org/0000-0003-3618-1192 Obispo Salazar Kelly kelly.obispo@correounivalle.edu.co https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1159-986X Gómez Plata Maryluz marygomezplata@gmail.com https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1031-3428 Chamorro Molina Guisella https://orcid.org/0000-0003-4806-5068 Jiménez José Raúl jrjimenez@ucatolica.edu.co Universidad Nacional de Colombia Universidad Nacional de Colombia Colombia Universidad El Bosque Universidad El Bosque, Colombia Colombia Universidad del Magdalena, Colombia Universidad del Magdalena, Colombia Colombia Universidad del Magdalena Universidad del Magdalena, Colombia Colombia Universidad del Magdalena Universidad del Magdalena, Colombia Colombia Universidad Católica de Colombia Universidad del Magdalena, Colombia Colombia 2023 9 2 Abstract

The objective of this study was to understand the organizing principles of the social representations of democracy in higher education students in Colombia, and their anchoring in sociodemographic and territorial variables. In three periods of time (2010, 2012 and 2017) students at university and technical/technological careers (total number: 12,171) from the 32 capital cities of each department in Colombia responded to a Scale of Social Representations of Democracy (ERSD) and to a list of sociodemographic variables. In a macro-level analysis, departmental averages of Democracy Balance were crossed with macro indicators of crime, extreme poverty, life expectancy and indigenous population percentage. Results show a seven dimensions factorial structure without significant relationships with age, gender or social class. At a macro level, regions with a high proportion of indigenous population showed a more positive evaluation of democracy over time, while higher crime rates are associated with a more negative evaluation of democracy.

 Keywords SOCIAL REPRESENTATIONS DEMOCRACY INDIGENOUS POPULATION CRIME SOCIAL FABRIC Correspondence Author: José Ignacio Ruiz-Pérez, email: jiruizp@unal.edu.co . This paper was funded by project No. 33745-2017 registered at the Universidad Nacional de Colombia, and by a grant from Young Researchers Program of the Ministry of Science and Technology of Colombia. . Introduction

Democracy, forms of political participation, social mobilizations in the decade 2010-2020, somehow interrupted by the isolation measures due to Covid19, generates an important academic reflection in Latin America, expressed in a relatively high academic production from different perspectives in Mexico (Fernández-Poncela, 2018; Jiménez-Yañez, 2020), Peru (Goñez Cruz & Cueto Saldívar, 2022; Rosales Zanabria & Guillén Zambrano, 2022) or Chile (Pleyers, 2023).

This topic, democracy, has also been approached from the theory of social representations (Tileagă, 2013; Howarth et al., 2014) since it meets several of the characteristics attributed to objects susceptible to give rise to social representations: it has implications in social life, influencing relationships between people and communities and is related to social identity. Thus, we find works that study democracy in Mexico (Tapia & Salazar, 2021), in Greece (Magioglou, 2003), or with international data, such as the work of Grecu (2021) with aggregate data from 34 countries. On the other hand, also in Latin America we find studies based on the theory founded by Moscovici. For example, Bruno and Barreiro (2015) studied social representations of democracy in Argentinean adolescents, using the free association of words technique, finding that the central core is composed by terms such as vote, freedom, equality, rights or participation, with “freedom” and “equality” being also central core elements of the representation of democracy in young Latin Americans (Ruiz & Pineda, 2021), while among Chilean university students (Herting & Chacaltana, 2017) they seem to differentiate a representation of democracy in general in positive terms (including again, terms such as freedom and equality in the hard core) from a more negative vision when democracy is referred to the Chilean context itself. In this case, the terms most frequently associated with Democracy in Chile were “inequality”, “right” and “injustice”. This differentiation between a social representation of democracy in an abstract, positive or idealistic sense and a negative social representation of democracy in specific contexts, associated with contexts of economic crisis or corruption, has been found in other studies (Magioglou, 2003).

In the case of Colombia, there is also a body of works based on the theory of social representations about democracy, most of them taking young people, high school or university students as samples or participants and using qualitative techniques such as open-ended questions, group interviews or free association of words. Thus, Díaz (2005), through a questionnaire of open-ended questions studied this topic in young people participating in a training process on democracy, while Osorio (2009) studied citizen participation through a questionnaire and a focus group with members of a Local Administrative Board (JAL, formal entity whose members are elected by vote among neighborhood residents for the management of community affairs), and a hydroelectric plant, in relation to the provision of energy service to the community, thereby showing that democracy and participation go beyond the scope of political elections, although the latter has been the topic most frequently addressed in research published in Colombia. In this line, Rondón and collaborators (2014) used interviews to investigate the social representations of democracy in students from two universities in the department of Santander (Colombia), while Hernández López (2018) used open-ended questions with high school students in Bogotá, and other authors used free association of words as an initial data collection strategy (Caballero et al., 2020; Ayola Betancourt, 2021). Within this framework, it is worth highlighting a study on democratic participation focused on a Colombian indigenous community, the Wayuu, since there are few psychosocial studies that include participants from indigenous communities in Colombia (Márquez-Ramírez, 2019). On the other hand, although less frequent, there have been studies that have used Likert-type scales instead of associative or interview techniques, to study the social representations of democracy in Colombia (Ruiz et al., 2016; Humanez, 2021), while the work of Rondón and collaborators (2014) integrates both qualitative techniques such as interviews and focus groups with the use of a Likert-type scale.

Elsewhere (Ruiz-Pérez & Pineda, 2021) we have stated that dissatisfaction with democracy can lead citizenry sectors to devalue their country’s democratic system and opt for political options that promise security or employment to the detriment of civil liberties. In this regard, the government or political parties are associated with corruption in several Latin American countries (Caballero et al., 2020; Humánez, 2021), while fear of crime can lead to a negative perception of the police and the judicial system, with effects on distrust in the social fabric (Ruiz-Pérez, 2019), opening expectations for political options related to a tough line against crime.

In this framework, and taking into account the armed violence history that Colombian society has suffered for decades, violence that is still in force, and that most studies on social representations of democracy in Colombia have been carried out with relatively small samples, transversally and in a single municipality or department, the objective of this study aims to show a quantitative, broad territorial scope, and longitudinal overview of social representations of democracy in the young Colombian population.

 Methodology Participants

The survey was applied to university and technical and technological career students in three different periods: 2010, 2012 and 2017, as shown in Table 1. Most of the students were women in the three applications, partly because the most frequent type of studies among this population was psychology, and in Colombia this is a career mostly studied by women than men. For the whole of the years, it is found that the sample is made up of young people and, consequently, single. In the same way, most of the participants perceive themselves as lower class in correspondence with the socioeconomic reality of the country. Students come from both, universities and training centers in technical or technological careers of two to three years´ duration. However, for the 2017 survey wave, most of the participants were pursuing a university degree, this, due to the difficulty of accessing samples of technical or technological careers. On the other hand, while university students come from different universities distributed throughout the country, most technical career students belong to the same institution, the National Learning Service (SENA, for its acronym in Spanish), which is public and has branches in all capital cities as well as in medium-sized municipalities.

Table 1

Sociodemographic and Economic Status of samples per year:

Year: 2010 2012 2017
N 4073 3891 4278
Mean Age (SD) 21.7 (4.4) 22.3 (5.5) 22.06 (6.01)
% women 62.0 70.5 58.5
% singles 85.2 80.7 82.8
Low social class 60.4 62.5 61.6
% university students (versus technical careers) 47.2 51.4 60.4

Instrument

Participants make up a non-random sample and responded to a survey composed of several sections about the perception of the social fabric. For the purposes of this survey, the Social Representations of Democracy Scale (ERSD, Ruiz et al., 2016) is highlighted, which consists of 20 items in Likert format on different aspects of democracy, with 4 response options: from “Total disagreement” (1) to “total agreement” (4). From this scale, and in addition to the item-by-item analysis, three scores are obtained: positive aspects of democracy (with scores between 1 and 4), negative aspects of democracy (with scores from 1 to 4) and, from the subtraction between the previous ones, the “Balance of democracy” is obtained, with possible scores between -3 and +3. Negative scores indicate that more negative than positive aspects of democracy in Colombia are perceived, while positive scores indicate that more positive than negative aspects are perceived. By opting for the use of a closed scale on democracy SRs, the present study is mainly located in the quantitative and multidimensional perspective proposed by the Geneva School (Doise et al., 1992).

On the other hand, the survey included questions on sociodemographic variables: age, gender, marital status, socioeconomic status, type of studies (university or technical), major and semester.

This study also presents macro-level analyses based on the average calculation of the Democracy Balance for the sample of each department (32 cities, including Bogotá) and its cross-checking with a series of macro indicators of Colombian society:

Extreme Poverty Population Percentage: data for 23 departments of Colombia (Cepeda et al., 2019)

Life expectancy (Expansión, s/f).

Crime rates based on data on arrests for crimes at the departmental level, from the Colombian National Police, weighted per 100,000 inhabitants (Colombia National Police/Policía Nacional de Colombia, 2011, 2013, 2018).

Indigenous Population Percentage at departmental level. From the 2005 population census (National Administrative Department of Statistics, 2007). This variable was included because in several departments of the country the indigenous or Afro-descendant population constitutes from 40% to more than 80% of the total population of those departments. Specifically, the population belonging to one of the indigenous or native peoples of Colombia had a strong presence in the departments of Amazonas (43.43%), Vichada (44.35%), La Guajira (44.94%), Guainía (64.90%) and Vaupés (66.65%), almost all of them in the Colombian Amazonian area, bordering Venezuela or Brazil. Due to the strong ethnic social identity of these communities, it is possible that conceptions of democracy could present some particularity in these territories, where the current president of Colombia, Gustavo Petro, had important support in the Colombian presidential elections (Wallis, 2022).

 Data Analysis

First, the ERSD dimensional analysis was carried out by means of confirmatory and exploratory factor analysis, in addition to internal reliability calculation according to factors found. Next, the difference in Democracy Balance was analyzed, according to the participants sociodemographic level, age and gender. Following, Democracy Balance is projected in a georeferenced manner at the departmental level, and Spearman correlations are established between the Democracy Balance departmental average with macro indicators.

 Bioethical considerations

Implementation of each of the survey waves (2010, 2012 and 2017) followed specific instructions requested to the Colombian College of Psychology (COLPSIC) and general principles of seeking beneficence and non-maleficence of Law 1090 of 2006 for the practice of Psychology, and in COLPSIC´s Bioethical Manual of Psychology (2017).

Conflict of interests

The authors declare that they have no conflict of interest in this research.

 Results ERSD Dimensionality

From the initial study by Ruiz-Pérez and collaborators (2016), the aim is to find the same factorial structure, which is shown in Figure 1. In this regard, confirmatory factor analysis yields moderate results: CFI: 0.865; TLI: 0.840, RMSEA: 0.0764 (90% CI 0.075 . 0.078), SMRS: 0.060, χ²: 10824/144= 75.17, p <.001.

Figure 1.

Expected ERSD dimensional model (Ruiz-Pérez et al., 2016).

Given these results, which indicate a low fit to the model, an exploratory factor analysis of the scale was carried out, with parallel analysis and maximum likelihood extraction method and promax rotation. Coefficients that support the exploratory analysis were: KMO: 0.925 and Bartlett's test of sphericity χ² (190): 23.15, p <.001. Regarding coefficients of the resulting factorial model, a TLI value was obtained: 0.974, BIC: 159, RMSEA: 0.032 (90% CI 0.030 – 0.034), with χ²/df: 816/79=11.49, p <.001.

The factor solution obtained is seven factors, which explain 50.9% of the variance. Regarding its composition, it largely corresponds to the structure found by Ruiz-Pérez and collaborators (2016), although with more factors and fewer items per factor (see table 2). For the entire scale, a high internal reliability is found, with a Cronbach α: 0.824 and a coefficient ω: 0.854, with the recoding of items of factors 6 and 7.

Table 2.

SRDS Exploratory Factor Analysis and Internal Reliability

Item DV EL FS BD PP DD CD Uniqueness
DEMO13 0.938 0.293
DEMO12 0.866 0.318
DEMO11 0.667 0.423
DEMO15 0.347 0.306 0.524
DEMO02 0.937 0.337
DEMO01 0.694 0.466
DEMO03 0.606 0.484
DEMO04 0.689
DEMO20 0.785 0.405
DEMO18 0.634 0.479
DEMO17 0.395 0.639
DEMO08 0.831 0.306
DEMO09 0.719 0.347
DEMO05 0.736 0.622
DEMO06 0.667 0.432
DEMO07 0.387 0.395 0.524
DEMO16 0.657 0.616
DEMO14 0.641 0.604
DEMO19 0.344 0.390 0.621
DEMO10 0.450 0.690
Eighenvalue 2.59 1.73 1.61 1.59 1.14 1.06 0.47
% Variance 12.95 8.62 8.07 7.96 5.69 5.28 2.34
Cronbach α 0.837 0.751 0.678 0.757 0.624 0.55
ω 0.84 0.761 0.689 0.77 0.632 0.563
Mean 2.81 2.85 2.73 2.57 2.63 2.44 3.21
SD 0.74 0.75 0.70 0.75 0.71 0.70 0.98

Note: DV: Democracy values, EL: Elections and Laws, FS: Freedom of Speech, BD: Benefits of Democracy, PP: Political Power, DD: Distrust in Democracy, CD: Corruption of Democracy.

Thus, the first factor called Democracy Values, covers references to values such as equity, loyalty, equality, justice and freedom. The second factor, Elections and Laws, refers to democracy as a system of elections, rights and duties translated into laws based on the Constitution, and values to organize the future of society. For its part, the third dimension highlights expressive aspects of democracy, such as the expression of freedom and diversity that translates into representations in parliament. The fourth factor refers to Benefits of Democracy, such as social harmony, well-being, tranquility, autonomy, while the Political Power factor includes items that refer to politics and the results of the work of politicians. Finally, the last two factors bring together negative aspects of democracy, such as that democracy does not really exist or is a form of control to maintain inequality (Distrust in Democracy factor), or is seriously affected by corruption (last factor).

 Sociodemographic and territorial anchoring of democracy

One-way ANOVAs were calculated to cross factorial scores saved from the preceding analysis, with gender and age grouped into intervals. In relation to gender, the Kolmorov-Smirnov test was significant for all factorial scores indicating with this, that such scores are not normally distributed: KS, between 0.014 for the seventh factor, with p <.05, and 0.044, with p <.001 for the other six factors. On the other hand, Levene's statistic to compare variances homogeneity was not significant for any of the factors. And as for the means comparison, Table 3 shows comparison statistics without practical differences between men and women because, although the latter associate democracy more with elections and laws and with corruption, the effect sizes are not significant for any factor.

In relation to Age, there is a tendency for older participants to score higher in the Democracy Values dimension, participants between 31 and 40 years old, in “Political Power”, and young people between 21 and 30 years old, as well as people over 41 years old in Distrust in Democracy. However, at the effect size level, differences between age groups on democracy are marginal (see table 4).

At the social class level, a low effect size ( η²p: 0.007) is found in the corruption factor, with higher scores in people from a high social class (Mean: 0.1668, SD: 0.958, n: 531), followed by the middle class (Mean: 0.1013, SD: 0.967, n: 3557), and the lower class (Mean: -0.0524, SD: 1.006, n: 5913), for an F(2, 1464): 34.04, p <.001. In other words, lower social class participants have a more positive social representation of democracy, considering that it is less affected by corruption than other social classes.

Table 3.

Democracy Dimensions and Gender: ANOVA

Gender N Mean SD EE F η²p
Democracy Values Women 6484 0.01139 1,004 0.0125 1.44 ns 0.001
Men 3721 -0.01323 0.993 0.0163
Elections and Laws Women 6484 0.02562 0.991 0.0123 7.94** 0.001
Men 3721 -0.03250 1,009 0.0165
Freedom of Speech Women 6484 0.00729 0.995 0.0124 0.72ns​ 0.001
Men 3721 -0.01014 1,005 0.0165
Benefits of Democracy Women 6484 -0.01080 0.992 0.0123 1.47 ns 0.001
Men 3721 0.01426 1,014 0.0166
Political Power Women 6484 0.01640 1,001 0.0124 3.57+ 0.001
Men 3721 -0.02249 1,001 0.0164
Distrust in Democracy Women 6484 -0.00561 1,008 0.0125 0.55ns​ 0.001
Men 3721 0.00958 0.983 0.0161
Corruption Women 6484 0.02669 0.983 0.0122 5.77* 0.001
Men 3721 -0.02305 1,021 0.0167

Note: SD: Standard Deviation; EE: Error estimation; η ²p: Effect seize Squared partial Eta.

+ p <, 010; * p <.05 ** p <.01

Table 4

Democracy Dimensions and Age.

Age N Mean SD EE F (3, 552) η²p
Democracy Values 14-20 4995 -0.01683 0.967 0.0137 4.13** Levene: 5.25*** 0.001
21-30 4427 -0.00132 1,030 0.0155
31-40 470 0.11753 1,036 0.0478
41-60 140 0.18311 0.980 0.0828
Political Power 14-20 4995 -0.04652 0.982 0.0139 7.90*** Levene: 3.78** 0.002
21-30 4427 0.04752 1,010 0.0152
31-40 470 0.07660 1,047 0.0483
41-60 140 -0.04525 1,126 0.0952
Distrust in Democracy 14-20 4995 -0.03083 0.989 0.0140 6.37*** Levene: 1.45 n.s 0.002
21-30 4427 0.03026 1,007 0.0151
31-40 470 -0.05515 1,023 0.0472
41-60 140 0.24297 0.960 0.0811

Note: SD: Standard Deviation; EE: Estimation Error, η ²p: Squared partial Eta.

** p <.01 *** p <.001

In relation to territorial anchoring, that is, the projection of the samples average of the departments in Colombia in the Democracy Balance for each period covered in this research, Figure 2 is obtained.

Figure 2

Democracy Balance Indicator Georeferencing at departmental level in Colombia.

Note: darker areas indicate a more positive balance of Democracy SRs.

It must be remembered that the samples from each year are not random and therefore, results are difficult to compare. Despite this, a certain coincidence is found between each period in several regions with a more positive perception of democracy, particularly in the eastern departments of Vaupés, or Vichada. As for the departments with the most negative evaluation (lighter tones), for 2010, western Colombian departments stand out, such as Valle del Cauca and Cauca, areas of presence of various armed groups at the time, including drug trafficking organizations. For 2012, the department with the most negative balance is Tolima, towards the center of the country, with a strong presence in previous years of paramilitary groups. For that year, Colombia was experiencing many expectations with the beginning of peace talks between the government chaired by Juan Manuel Santos and the FARC guerrilla, which could explain that there were fewer areas of very negative perception of democracy. By 2017, these positive expectations of peace had partially transmuted into disappointment, because even though the peace process began, certain FARC fronts withdrew from the peace process, contrary to the agreement signed by the central committee of that organization, and armed violence intensified in several regions of the country, including the appearance and strengthening of the so-called Criminal Gangs (BACRIM), which in reality were paramilitary groups of a mafia nature that were nourished by former paramilitary combatants who had participated in processes demobilization in the years 2003 to 2006.

Correspondingly, relationships between Democracy Balance departmental averages and crime, poverty and ethnic composition macro indicators were analyzed using Spearman correlations (n: between 23 and 32). Results are shown in table 5.

Table 5

Correlations between Democracy Balance and crime, poverty, life expectancy and indigenous communities’ presence indicators, in years 2010, 2012 and 2017.

2010 2012 2017
% Population in extreme poverty (n=23) 0.455*
Life expectancy (n: 32) -0.341+ -0.494**
Security crime rate (n: 32) -0.426*
Drug crime rate -0.421*
Theft rate -0.421*
Sexual crime rate 0.371*
Crimes against freedom rate -0.408*
% Indigenous population 0.478** 0.383*

+ p <.010; * p <.05 ** p <.01

In general, although there are no stable correlations between the indicators over the years, the significant correlations are consistent with the processes that can socially affect democracy perception. Thus, for 2010, higher crime rates are related to a more negative democracy assessment. For 2012 and 2017, a higher percentage of indigenous population is related to a more positive democracy assessment. These regions, with a greater presence of indigenous peoples, have a lower level of socioeconomic development than other areas, including large Colombian cities such as Bogotá or Medellín. Also, these indigenous presence regions have suffered the action of all kinds of armed groups, in relation to attempts to forced recruiting for their youth, plunder of their natural resources, population displacement in relation to the presence of said armed groups, for the purpose of land dispossession, coca leaf crops planting and/or the establishment of drugs transportation and control of corridors in the territory. Finally, the positive relationship between rates of sexual crimes and balance of democracy in 2017 may be a spurious result of the highest recorded rate of sexual crimes in indigenous communities in Colombia, which may be related to the worldview of indigenous peoples regarding the relationship between women and territory (DE Justicia, s/f) or by action of armed actors themselves (Canal Laiton, 2023).

 Discussion and Conclusions

Social representations of democracy seem to be organized around six dimensions, following the approach of Doise and collaborators (1992), highlighting democracy constitutive values, electoral devices, democracy benefits or diversity expressiveness allowed by democracy in the election of its representatives. However, it also presents negative aspects, connecting with Magioglou 's (2003) finding that an idealistic democracy vision can coexist with negative visions when that democracy is grounded in the national context. Thus, although Distrust in Democracy dimension (which includes conceptions that democracy does not really exist or that it is a mechanism to control people and maintain inequalities) presents the lowest average, corruption dimension (mono-factor item) has the highest level, coinciding with Latin American indicators on the discredit of political and judicial institutions related to corruption (Corporación Latinobarómetro, 2018).

On the other hand, macro-level correlations confirm what other studies have shown, that is, the negative influence of crime on the valuation of democracy (Valencia & Cuartas, 2023), although these relationships are not found for all periods covered in this investigation. In this regard, it should be noted that several crimes experienced a decrease in the 2012 period compared to 2010, in police statistics (National Police of Colombia, 2011, 2013), but there is no evidence that there was a real decrease in said crimes or that it was a decrease in the effectiveness of the police in capturing criminals.

On the other hand, the positive relationship between indigenous population rate and a more positive assessment of democracy may reflect the possibility that minority groups in Colombia, such as indigenous peoples, see that democratic mechanisms allow them quotas for representation and political participation that allow them to overcome and change historical conditions of inequality, discrimination and violence suffered, caused by the different violent actors of the armed conflict in Colombia.

Finally, it is worth mentioning some limitations of this research. On the one hand, the Balance of Democracy averages georeferencing at the departmental level masks the fact that such averages generally come from non-random samples of the capitals, that is, they are not samples drawn from the entire department: capital, intermediate cities and/or rural areas. In this sense, georeferenced maps and their usefulness are based on data quality, of which may present biases (Ruiz-Pérez, 2014) such as those identified here. All in all, macro-level analyzes allow connecting people's social perceptions and representations with objective contextual variables that may have remote origins, such as the armed conflict and crime rates that affect the social fabric of Colombia.

 <bold>References</bold> Ayola Betancourt, V. (2021). Ciudadanías ciudadanas: un estudio exploratorio sobre representaciones sociales de la ciudadanía en Francia y Colombia. Desafíos, 33(2), 1-38. https://doi.org/10.12804/revistas.urosario.edu.co/desafios/a.8680 Ayola Betancourt V. Ciudadanías ciudadanas: un estudio exploratorio sobre representaciones sociales de la ciudadanía en Francia y Colombia Desafíos 2021 33 2 1 38 Bruno, D.S., & Barreiro, A. (2015). La representación social de la democracia de adolescentes argentinos. Escritos de Psicología, 8, 33-40. Bruno D.S Barreiro A. La representación social de la democracia de adolescentes argentinos Escritos de Psicología 2015 8, 33 40 Caballero, L.F., González-Valencia, G., & Santisteban, A. (2020). La propuesta de ciudadanía radical y las representaciones sociales de estudiantes de bachillerato en Colombia. Sophia Austral. 26: 237-258. http://dx.doi.org/10.4067/S0719-56052020000200237 Caballero L.F. González-Valencia G., Santisteban A. La propuesta de ciudadanía radical y las representaciones sociales de estudiantes de bachillerato en Colombia Sophia Austral 2020 26: 237 258. Canal Laiton, X. (2023). Lo que no se registra: violencia sobre niñas y mujeres indígenas en la región amazónica. https://cerosetenta.uniandes.edu.co/violencia-sexual-a-ninas-y-mujeres-indigenas/ Canal Laiton X Lo que no se registra: violencia sobre niñas y mujeres indígenas en la región amazónica. https://cerosetenta.uniandes.edu.co/violencia-sexual-a-ninas-y-mujeres-indigenas 2023 Cepeda, L., Rivas, G., Álvarez, S., Rodríguez, R.K. & Sánchez, W. (2019). Pobreza monetaria y pobreza multidimensional: análisis 2008-2018. Bogotá: Departamento Nacional de Planeación. Cepeda L. Rivas G Álvarez S. Rodríguez R.K Sánchez W Pobreza monetaria y pobreza multidimensional: análisis 2008-2018 Departamento Nacional de Planeación 2019 Colegio Colombiano de Psicólogos (2017). Manual Bioético. Bogotá: los autores. Manual Bioético Bogotá: los autores. 2017 Corporación Latinobarómetro. (2018). Informe 2018. Santiago de Chile: Corporación Latinobarómetro. Informe 2018. Santiago de Chile Corporación Latinobarómetro 2018 DeJusticia (s/f). Violencia sexual contra mujeres indígenas y afro en el marco del conflicto armado. https://www.dejusticia.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/08/Documento-de-investigacio%CC%81n-violencia-sexual-mujeres-indigenas.pdf Violencia sexual contra mujeres indígenas y afro en el marco del conflicto armado. https://www.dejusticia.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/08/Documento-de-investigacio%CC%81n-violencia-sexual-mujeres-indigenas.pdf 2018 Departamento Administrativo Nacional de Estadística (2007). Colombia, una nación multicultural. Bogotá: Dirección de censos y demografías. Colombia, una nación multicultural. Bogotá: Dirección de censos y demografías. Departamento Administrativo Nacional de Estadística 2007 Díaz, A. (2005). Representaciones sociales juveniles sobre la democracia. Reflexión Política. 7 180-191. Díaz A Representaciones sociales juveniles sobre la democracia Reflexión Política 2005 7 180 191 Doise, W., Clémence, A., Lorenzi- Cioldi, F., & Bourdieu, P. (1992). Représentations sociales et analyses de données. Grenoble: PUG Doise W. Clémence A Lorenzi- Cioldi F. Bourdieu P. Représentations sociales et analyses de données. Grenoble: PUG 1992 Expansión (s/f). Colombia – Esperanza de vida al nacer. https://datosmacro.expansion.com/demografia/esperanza-vida/colombia Esperanza de vida al nacer. https://datosmacro.expansion.com/demografia/esperanza-vida/colombia Fernández Poncela, AM (2021). Acercamientos teóricos y prácticos a las emociones en las elecciones. Reflexión Política, 23 (47): 8-26. Fernández Poncela AM Acercamientos teóricos y prácticos a las emociones en las eleccio Reflexión Política 2021 23 47 8 26 Goñez Cruz, C. & Cueto Saldívar, R.M. (2022). El antifujimorismo y la defensa de la democracia: estudio sobre la conciencia política de jóvenes movilizados contra el fujimorismo en Lima. Goñez Cruz C. Cueto Saldívar R.M El antifujimorismo y la defensa de la democracia: estudio sobre la conciencia política de jóvenes movilizados contra el fujimorismo en Lima. 2022 Grecu, S.-P. (2021). Social representations of the democracy. Cognitions and attitudes in 34 nations . Technium Social Sciences Journal, 25(1), 653–662. https://doi.org/10.47577/tssj.v25i1.5118 Grecu S.-P. Social representations of the democracy. Cognitions and attitudes in 34 nations Technium Social Sciences Journal 2021 25 1 653– 662 Hernández-López (2018). Representaciones sociales sobre democracia en estudiantes de secundaria del Colegio Gustavo Rojas Pinilla de la Localidad Antonio Nariño de Bogotá D.C. Bogotá: Universidad Distrital Francisco José de Caldas (Trabajo de grado). Hernández-López Representaciones sociales sobre democracia en estudiantes de secundaria del Colegio Gustavo Rojas Pinilla de la Localidad Antonio Nariño de Bogotá D.C. Universidad Distrital Francisco José de Caldas 2018 Herting, D.C. & Chacaltana, M.M. (2017). Representaciones de democracia y ciudadanía en estudiantes universitarios de pedagogía del sur de Chile. Actualidades Investigativas en Educación, 17, 144-171. Herting D.C Chacaltana M.M Representaciones de democracia y ciudadanía en estudiantes universitarios de pedagogía del sur de Chile Actualidades Investigativas en Educación 2017 17 144 171 Howarth, C., Andreouli, E., & Kessi, A. (2014). Social Representations and the politics of participation. In K. Kinnvall, T. Capelos, H. Dekker, & P. Nesbitt-Larking (Eds.), The Palgrave Handbook of Global Political Psychology (pp. 19-38). London: Palgrave. Howarth C Andreouli E. Kessi A. Social Representations and the politics of participation The Palgrave Handbook of Global Political Psychology (pp. 19-38) 2014 London Palgrave Humanez Herrera, T.J. (2021). Representaciones sociales sobre el concepto de gobierno de jóvenes de secundaria en áreas rurales de la región Caribe colombiana. Amauta, 19(37), 271-294. Humanez Herrera T.J Representaciones sociales sobre el concepto de gobierno de jóvenes de secundaria en áreas rurales de la región Caribe colombiana. Amauta 2021 19 37 271 294 Jiménez-Yañez, C. (2020). #Chiledespertó: causas del estallido social en Chile. Revista Mexicana de Sociología. 82: 949-957. Jiménez-Yañez C #Chiledespertó: causas del estallido social en Chile. Revista Mexicana de Sociología. 2020 82 949 957 Ley 1090 de 2006: Sobre el ejercicio profesional de la Psicología. Congreso de la República. Ley 1090 de 2006: Sobre el ejercicio profesional de la Psicología Congreso de la República. 2006 Magioglou, T. (2003). Social Representations of Democracy; Ideal versus Reality A qualitative study with young people in Greece. London: London School of Economics. Magioglou T. Social Representations of Democracy; Ideal versus Reality A qualitative study with young people in Greece London School of Economics. 2003 London London School of Economics. Márquez Ramírez, J.A. (2019). Representaciones sociales de la nación wayuu sobre la experiencia de la democracia participativa en Colombia. Revista de la Universidad del Zulia, 10(28), 40-56. Márquez Ramírez, J.A Representaciones sociales de la nación wayuu sobre la experiencia de la democracia participativa en Colombia Revista de la Universidad del Zulia 2019 10 28 40 56 Osorio, C.S. (2009). Representaciones sociales de la participación ciudadana alrededor de la prestación del servicio de energía en el municipio de Manizales. Manizales: Universidad de Manizales. Osorio C.S Representaciones sociales de la participación ciudadana alrededor de la prestación del servicio de energía en el municipio de Manizales Universidad de Manizales. 2009 Pleyers, G. (2023). El estallido chileno a la luz de la década global de los movimientos sociales. 22)65): 320-351. DOI: 10.32735/S0718-6568/2023-N65-1868. Pleyers G El estallido chileno a la luz de la década global de los movimientos sociales DOI: 10.32735/S0718-6568/2023-N65-1868. 2023 320 351 Policía Nacional de Colombia (2011). Estadísticas de delitos. Revista Criminalidad. Policía Nacional de Colombia Estadísticas de delitos Revista Criminalidad. 2011 Policía Nacional de Colombia (2013). Estadísticas de delitos. Revista Criminalidad. Policía Nacional de Colombia Estadísticas de delitos Revista Criminalidad 2013 Policía Nacional de Colombia (2018). Estadísticas de delitos. Revista Criminalidad. Policía Nacional de Colombia Estadísticas de delitos Revista Criminalidad. 2018 Rondón, I.G., Peña, A.P. & Buitrago, S.C. (2014). Representaciones sociales sobre democracia que tienen los estudiantes de la Universidad Industrial de Santander (UIS) y la Universitaria de Investigación y Desarrollo (UDI). Bogotá: Universidad Santo Tomás. Rondón I.G Peña A.P Buitrago S.C Representaciones sociales sobre democracia que tienen los estudiantes de la Universidad Industrial de Santander (UIS) y la Universitaria de Investigación y Desarrollo (UDI). Universidad Santo Tomás. 2014 Rosales Zanabria, D.G. & Guillén Zambrano, H.R. (2022). Las emociones y su relación con el voto en las elecciones peruanas del 2021. PSocial, 8 (1): 1-19. Rosales Zanabria D.G Guillén Zambrano H.R Las emociones y su relación con el voto en las elecciones peruanas del 2021 PSocial 2022 8 1 1 19 Ruiz-Pérez, J.I. (2014). Psicología Social y Justicia. Bogotá: Universidad Nacional de Colombia – Colegio Colombiano de Psicología. Ruiz-Pérez J.I Psicología Social y Justicia Universidad Nacional de Colombia – Colegio Colombiano de Psicología. 2014 Ruiz Pérez, J. I., Pineda Silva, A., & López, E. J. (2016). Representaciones sociales de la democracia en estudiantes colombianos: un análisis multidimensional y cartográfico. Revista ConCiencia, 1(1), 11–29. https://doi.org/10.32654/CONCIENCIAEPG.1-1.1 Ruiz-Pérez J.I. Representaciones sociales de la democracia en estudiantes colombianos: un análisis multidimensional y cartográfico. Revista ConCiencia 2016 1 1 11 29 Ruiz-Pérez, J.I. (2019). Percepciones sobre la Policía en un grupo de países iberoamericanos. relaciones directas y mediadoras con el miedo al crimen, la victimización y la eficacia colectiva. Revista Logos Ciencia & Tecnología, 11 (3): 195-205. https://doi.org/10.22335/rlct.v11i3.968 Ruiz-Pérez J.I. Percepciones sobre la Policía en un grupo de países iberoamericanos. relaciones directas y mediadoras con el miedo al crimen, la victimización y la eficacia colectiva Revista Logos Ciencia & Tecnología 2019 11 3 195 205 Ruiz-Pérez, J.I., & Pineda-Silva, A. (2021). Representaciones sociales de la Democracia en estudiantes universitarios iberoamericanos. Revista de Psicología. 39 (2): 745-775. https://doi.org/10.18800/psico.202102.009 Ruiz-Pérez J.I Pineda-Silva A Representaciones sociales de la Democracia en estudiantes universitarios iberoamericanos. Revista de Psicología 2021 39 2 745 775 Tapia, M.G., & Salazar, B.V. (2021). The construction of youth political culture Social representations of high school students from the “Eastern” region of CDMX. South Florida Journal of Development. 2 (4): 4990-5007. Tapia M.G Salazar B.V. The construction of youth political culture Social representations of high school students from the “Eastern” region of CDMX South Florida Journal of Development 2021 2 4 4990 5007 Tileagă, C. (2013). Social representations of political affairs and beliefs. In Political Psychology: Critical Perspectives (pp. 62–82). chapter, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Tileagă C Cambridge University 2013 Cambridge: Cambridge University Press Social representations of political affairs and beliefs. In Political Psychology: Critical Perspectives (pp. 62–82) Valencia Agudelo, G.D., & Cuartas Celis, D. (2023). Incidencia de la violencia y la criminalidad en la calidad de la democracia en América Latina, 2000-2023. Estudios Políticos (Medellín). 66 (1). https://doi.org/10.17533/udea.espo.n66a01 Valencia Agudelo G.D Cuartas Celis D. Incidencia de la violencia y la criminalidad en la calidad de la democracia en América Latina, 2000-2023 Estudios Políticos (Medellín) 2023 66 1 Wallis, H. (2022). Una minga indígena recorre las calles en busca del voto por Petro. El País. https://elpais.com/america-colombia/elecciones-presidenciales/2022-06-16/una-minga-indigena-recorre-las-calles-en-busca-del-voto-por-petro.html Wallis H. Una minga indígena recorre las calles en busca del voto por Petro El País 2022 https://elpais.com/america-colombia/elecciones-presidenciales/2022-06-16/una-minga-indigena-recorre-las-calles-en-busca-del-voto-por-petro.html

Refbacks

  • There are currently no refbacks.


Estadísticas
Visitas al Abstract:79


{PSOCIAL} Journal of Research in Social Psychology. Faculty of Social Sciences | University of Buenos Aires (UBA)

ISSN 2422-619X. Semiannual publication (January-June and July-December).
 
Design: Mae Bermudez
 
 Jorunal Indexed and listed in:
  • ERIH PLUS (European Reference Index for the Humanities and Social Sciences) [registry]
  • Latindex Catálogo 2.0 (Regional Cooperative Online Information System for Scholarly Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portuga) [registry]
  • DOAJ (Directory Open Access Journals) [registry]
  • MIAR (Information Matrix for the Analysis of Journals) [registry]
  • PSICODOC (Online Bibliographic Database Madrid Official College of Psychologists) [registry] 
  • RDIUBA (Institutional Digital Repository) [registry]
  • REDIB (Iberoamerican Network for Innovation and Scientific Knowledge) [registry]
  • Open AIRE (Open Access Infraestructure for Research in Europe) [registry] 
  • Red LatinRev / FLACSO library (Latin American Faculty of Social Sciences) [registry]
  • BINPAR (National Bibliography of Registered Periodicals) [registry]
  • LATINOAMERICANA (Association of Academic Journals of Humanities and Social Sciences) [registry]
  • CLASE (Latin-American Citations in Social Sciences and Humanities) [registry]
  • Sherpa Romeo [registry]
  • Basic Nucleus of Argentine Scientific Journals [registry]
  • Mirab@l [registry]
  • Cabells' Journalytics [registry]
  • CIRC (Integrated Classification of Scientific Journals) [registry]
  • AmeliCA [registry]
  • LILACS (Latin American and Caribbean Health Sciences Literature [registry]
  • EBSCO (Elton Bryson Stephens Company Information Services) [registry]
  • Malena [registry] 
  • Sara Network [registry]
  • SciELO (Scientific Electronic Library Online) [registry]
  • Redalyc (Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America and the Caribbean, Spain and. Portuga) [registry]
 

This journal is licenced under Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 International (CC BY-NC-SA 4.0)