Acculturation is the process of cultural and psychological change that results following a meeting between cultures (Sam & Berry, 2010; van der Zee & van Oudenhoven, 2022). Acculturation entails a variety of processes and results, in which individuals and groups adopt different ways to engage with the acculturation experience (Sam & Berry, 2010). Berry’s model of acculturation is based on two issues; the degree to which one wishes to maintain their heritage, culture, and identity, and the degree to which one wishes to have contact with those who are outside their group and participate in the daily life of the larger society (Sam & Berry, 2010). According to this model, there are four possible acculturation strategies: assimilation, integration, separation, and marginalization (Sam & Berry, 2010).

Assimilation occurs when individuals desire close interaction with other cultures or adopt the cultural values of the new society (and do not wish to maintain their previous cultural identity), which is exemplified by Argentine immigrants who consider themselves more Israeli than Argentinean (Friedrich & Alvarez 2020). Separation is the opposite strategy, in which individuals avoid interaction with members of the new society and place a high value on holding on to their original culture, resulting in Argentine immigrants who feel foreign in Israel even after many years of residency (Friedrich & Alvarez 2020). Integration describes individuals who wish to maintain their original culture, but also seek interaction with the new culture and its members, represented by Argentine immigrants who celebrate their heritage, while also adopting the customs of Israeli culture (Friedrich & Alvarez, 2020). The final strategy, marginalization, is defined by a lack of interest in maintaining one’s original culture as well as a lack of interest in interacting with the new culture, often for reasons of exclusion or discrimination, resulting in Argentine immigrants who surround themselves only with other South Americans, but feel they have no real sense of belonging to either culture (Friedrich & Alvarez, 2020). These four options are not static, and are not outcomes in themselves, but strategies (Sam & Berry, 2010).

The process of acculturation has a lasting impact on the lives of migrants and on the social environment. The outcomes of this process cannot be simplistically classified as either fully integrated or marginalized by the host country. Our interest in this topic stems from a desire to better understand the various factors influencing an individual's adaptation to a new culture.

We have considered that migration is a complex phenomenon encompassing a variety of economic, social, psychological, and security aspects, among other factors influencing daily life (Friedrich & Alvarez, 2020). It is a nuanced experience, and acculturation itself is influenced by a diversity of issues that affect the process to varying degrees. Initially, we consider it relevant to understand the subjective conceptions regarding the conflict situation in the territory to which these Argentinians are moving.

This topic is relevant, among other factors, due to the interactive and relational nature of the concept of acculturation in the reviewed theory. When interacting and mutually engaging with other social phenomena, an individual's acculturation capacity can be notably affected or altered. We can make the intuitive assumption that there is a strong relationship between the process of acculturation and an individual's well-being. Understanding that the process of adapting to a new culture permeates all aspects of life, and at the same time, subjective well-being (or happiness) may influence how acculturation develops. However, with this assumption, we can observe, following research conducted with migrants in Spain by Vallejo y Moreno (2014), that there is a strong relationship between life satisfaction and the adopted acculturation strategy (Martin Julian, 2017). Understanding that these studies are correlational, it can be inferred that the influence is mutual.

Beyond this small example of the interaction afforded by the variable, we can also review the Acculturation Stress Model, in which the acculturation process is composed of three processes: Cultural Mutation, which refers to the abandonment (intentional or accidental) of the individual's own cultural behaviors; Cultural Learning, where this cultural formation is replaced by that of the new environment to allow greater harmony with the new context; and Cultural Conflict, where the issues arising from the adaptation process are highlighted (Berry et al 1987, cited in Fajardo et al., 2008). It is within this conflict that the concept of acculturation stress is framed, defined as the emotional tensions that arise from the process of acculturation. Thus, with a small sample, we highlight the relevance of the use of this variable, and the reason it can be highly valuable for analysis in interaction with other independent variables, which we will explore in this paper.

The aim of this study is to explore the relationship between acculturation and spirituality, religion, centrality of events, fear of death, and the social crises of the COVID-19 pandemic and the Iron Swords War. Specifically, this study investigates the impact of these factors on the acculturation process in the population of Argentine immigrants in Israel, additionally considering how these relationships vary based on migrants’ motivation for immigration and their socio-demographic characteristics.

Academic literature supports the claim that spirituality, as an operant motivation that directs behaviors, can be a positive coping mechanism. Beyond religious reasons for this phenomenon, such as the belief in divine protection, there is also the religious community that offers social support through affiliations. We define spirituality as the motivation that drives individuals to seek broader meaning in their lives. However, religiosity is an emotional tendency that stems from social traditions and education (Simkin & Piedmont, 2018).

Religious sentiments (RS) and spiritual transcendence (ST) are central components of spirituality and religiosity, both of which significantly influence behavior, personality, and mental health (Simkin & Piedmont, 2018). Although Berry’s model of acculturation provides a foundational framework for measuring acculturation, we argue that for Jewish immigrants in Israel, a more nuanced model is necessary to capture the complexity of acculturation more accurately. Spirituality, considered as an independent factor in this study, highlights some of the limitations inherent in Berry’s model.

Jewish identity in Argentina is fluid and multifaceted, shaped by a complex interplay of ethnic, national, and diasporic factors (Rein, 2010; Krupnik, 2023). Rather than being a single narrative, it reflects an ongoing negotiation between Jewish heritage and Argentine nationality (Rein, 2010). For Argentine Jewish immigrants, this dual identity influences how they navigate the acculturation process in Israel.

Jewish Argentines returning to their country of origin after living in Israel for even a year often maintain emotional and cultural ties with Israel (Krupnik, 2023). This emotional (and sometimes material) connection with Israel portrays the strong spiritual bond that Argentine immigrants have with the historical Jewish land. This amalgamation of identity also plays a significant role in their acculturation process when migrating to Israel, as it influences how they adapt to the new cultural environment; which is not in actuality so new.

Acculturation among Jewish Argentines is influenced by identity, cultural adaptation, and social integration, impacting their sense of belonging and ability to balance complex identities (Friedrich & Alvarez, 2020). Spirituality can motivate migration and aid acculturation by enhancing resilience and helping to cope with cultural transitions. When migration to Israel is driven by spiritual reasons, emotional ties to the country can ease acculturation and strengthen community bonds, vital in collectivist Jewish culture (Pirutinsky et al., 2019).

The relationship between religion and acculturation is multifaceted, acting as both a facilitator and a barrier, depending on the context. Religion, as the independent variable, influences acculturation by shaping immigrants' cultural adaptation and psychological well-being. The impact of this relationship is often moderated by factors such as cultural attitudes in host societies and the extent of social integration.

Steffen and Merrill (2011) found that the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (LDS) supports Mexican immigrants in Utah by fostering spiritual well-being and social support, facilitating smoother acculturation to Anglo culture. This positive influence highlights how dominant religious organizations can create bridges to cultural adaptation. However, in contexts where religious practices are perceived as barriers, challenges arise. For example, Dimitrova and Aydinli-Karakulak (2016) demonstrated that a strong religious identity helps Turkish minority youth navigate cultural challenges but may also lead to resistance to mainstream norms, particularly in societies with anti-religious policies.

Similarly, Jewish Argentine immigrants exhibit a dual experience. Their religious identity, rooted in traditions such as dietary laws and Sabbath observance, provide resilience and a sense of belonging but may also create tensions in host societies where these practices are viewed as obstacles to full integration. Iranian migrants and international PhD students in Spain face similar challenges. Religious practices, like wearing the hijab or adhering to dietary restrictions, can heighten integration challenges in European contexts. Yet, positive host-community attitudes, such as those observed in Spain, mitigate these barriers and promote sociocultural adaptation (Elhami & Roshan, 2024).

Across immigrant groups, religion serves both as a resource and a challenge. For instance, Formoso-Suárez et al. (2022) and Silva et al. (2017) examined Latin American immigrants in Spain and the United States, highlighting how positive religious coping fosters subjective happiness and smoother adaptation. In contrast, negative coping, such as spiritual discontent, exacerbates stress and psychological distress. These dynamics resonate with Jewish Argentine immigrants, whose religious coping strategies influence their acculturation experiences, especially in environments where anti-Semitic attitudes persist. In conclusion, religion’s dual role in acculturation —providing both support and obstacles— underscores the importance of tailored strategies to address challenges while leveraging the strengths of religious identity and community cohesion.

Fear of death, central to Jewish immigration from Argentina to Israel, is explained by Terror Management Theory (TMT), which links mortality awareness to anxiety. Israel serves as a sanctuary, offering safety and cultural preservation, especially for those facing persecution or violence. Gal (2020) highlights the long-term psychological effects of antisemitism and childhood trauma during Argentina's military dictatorship, showing how these experiences intensify feelings of insecurity and the need for safety and belonging. This leads to immigration to Israel as a coping mechanism for managing death anxiety. This theory underscores how heightened awareness of death drives people to seek security in familiar cultural environments, like Israel, which offers shared religious and cultural values (Dupuis & Safdar, 2010). The relationship between cultural context and death anxiety is further illuminated by contrasting mechanisms of self-esteem in individualist and collectivist societies. For instance, in Austria, an individualist culture, self-esteem is anchored in personal achievement, making self-competence and general self-esteem key buffers against death anxiety (Du & Jonas, 2013). Conversely, the communal and interdependent framework of Israeli society emphasizes shared cultural values, offering a distinct form of protection rooted in collective identity. These cultural differences suggest that strategies to manage fear of death are deeply embedded in the sociocultural structures that individuals inhabit.

This link between cultural belonging and mental health extends into the domain of acculturation. Acculturation processes significantly impact the mental health of forced migrants, with factors such as social support, discrimination, and socio-economic status influencing the extent of this effect (Mengistu et al., 2019; Balidemaj & Small, 2019). Similarly, Restrepo-Madero et al. (2017) note that cultural shifts can reshape individuals' understanding of death, spiritual beliefs, and coping mechanisms, with acculturation mediating the link between fear of death and health outcomes by influencing the adoption of death-related practices. High acculturation levels, such as language proficiency and cultural integration, enable migrants to adopt local practices that alleviate death-related fears. Conversely, cultural misalignment or low acculturation can heighten fear of death by reinforcing uncertainty and disconnect from supportive frameworks (Grace, 2019; Florian et al., 1989).

Both COVID-19 and the Iron Swords War caused societal disruptions that reshaped cultural identities and accelerated acculturation. During COVID-19, lockdowns, remote work, and restricted interactions disrupted communal rituals and cultural practices. Individuals adapted by using digital platforms to maintain social cohesion and cultural continuity, demonstrating the resilience of cultural systems to renegotiate values under altered conditions (Berry, 2006; Müller et al., 2023; Hasanović et al., 2020; Pillai, 2023). These adaptations illustrate how technological reliance facilitated integration, even amid physical isolation.

In contrast, the Iron Swords War introduced distinct challenges through forced displacement. Displaced individuals had to adapt to new societal norms, languages, and practices, driven by survival needs and the pursuit of stability (Tajfel & Turner, 1986). Unlike the pandemic's reliance on digital adaptation, war highlighted the complexities of physical integration and the marginalization that arises when cultural differences are pronounced or support systems are lacking (Raza, 2018). This juxtaposition underscores the different pathways through which crises influence acculturation.

Psychological adaptation connects both crises, revealing shared and divergent patterns. COVID-19's isolation fostered cultural innovation, reshaping communication methods and family dynamics. In contrast, the trauma from war-induced displacement profoundly transformed identities as individuals rebuilt their lives in new communities (Berry, 2006; Shamji et al., 2022). Both cases reveal how stressful situations compel individuals to redefine cultural identities as a coping mechanism.

Finally, migration and displacement unify these phenomena, reflecting varying degrees of agency. COVID-19 saw voluntary relocations that fostered integration into new cultural contexts. Forced migrations caused by war emphasized challenges of assimilation under external pressures and resource scarcity (Vukomanović, 2020; Benson & O'Reilly, 2016). Together, these examples highlight how pandemics and conflicts, though differing in nature, drive acculturation by reshaping cultural adaptation in unique yet interconnected ways.

Immigration as a main event preserves and transfers culture while interacting with local culture, shaping future generations' identity. Liwerant and DellaPergola (2023) state that immigration involves preserving cultural identity while adapting to new norms. Uprootedness challenges immigrants in cultural exchanges, affecting integration and heritage ties. The centrality of events is the independent variable, and acculturation is the dependent variable, with a positive relationship.

Immigration as a major event can affect an immigrant's life, depending on the reason and environment. With social support and coping strategies, the experience is positive (Sam and Berry, 2010). Globalization also helps preserve cultural and religious identity and makes the experience positive (Liwerant, 2021). Shared experiences foster belonging and balance integration with cultural identity (Castillo Muñoz, 2020).

In addition, the cultural preservation hypothesis suggests that individuals from collectivist cultures use avoidant coping styles due to fear of losing face, and lack of social support can heighten stress during immigration. Conversely, the context hypothesis emphasizes that empowered new immigrants are more likely to integrate into their new society. Both models highlight how central life events influence coping and cultural presentation in the new country (Roesch et al., 2007).

The centrality of immigration events affects an immigrant's identity. Simkin (2020) found that Latin American Jewish immigrants in Israel who see key events as central to both Argentine and Israeli experiences maintain a dual identity. Those linking events to one location feel connected only to that identity. Significant events in Israel make immigrants feel more Israeli, while those in Argentina strengthen Argentine identity. A lack of central events can lead to disconnection from both identities.

Moreover, Immigration motives influence its perception. There are three types: preservation, self-development, and materialism. Preservation leads to positive views due to security and support. Self-development and materialism may result in mixed or negative feelings. Because it is a central event, immigration's negativity can affect other life areas (Tartakovsky & Schwartz, 2001). In conclusion, Immigration as a main event affects cultural identity by preserving heritage while adapting to new cultures, shaped by support and key events.

The study included a sample of 26 Argentine Jewish immigrants residing in Israel. Participants were recruited through online platforms and community centers. The inclusion criteria were being over 18 years old and having lived in Israel for at least one year. The sample had a mean age of 55,8 (SD = 17,9), with 57,7 % identifying as male and 42,3% as female.

Participants completed an online survey that included all the scales mentioned above. Data were collected anonymously, and participants provided informed consent before beginning. The survey took approximately 25-30 minutes to complete.

Descriptive statistics were calculated for each variable. Correlations between religious sentiments, spirituality, acculturation, fear of death, and fear of COVID-19 with subjective well-being were assessed. Multiple regression analyses were conducted to examine the predictive value of these variables on well-being outcomes. Statistical analyses were performed using SPSS. Given the small sample size (N = 26), we applied non-parametric resampling techniques to improve the robustness of the estimations. Specifically, we used the bootstrap method (with 1,000 resamples) to assess the stability of the results. This approach allows for more accurate inference in small samples by approximating the sampling distribution of the statistic of interest.