Introduction
The National Program Against Family and Sexual Violence states that sexual violence is a public health problem that violates human rights (Bardales, 2004). It consists of actions of a sexual nature committed against a person without his or her consent or under coercion and includes acts that do not necessarily involve physical contact. Sexual violence also violates the right to decide voluntarily about one's own sexual life (Mendoza, 2017). It occurs regardless of the type of relationship existing between victim and aggressor (Jewkes et al., 2002), and tends to occur in everyday situations, as is the case of sexual harassment, so it is often invisibilized (Janos & Espinosa, 2015). It also triggers serious consequences for the psychological and physical functioning of affected people (Choudhary et al., 2012; Jordan et al., 2010).
Considering the above, the present research will focus on the analysis of beliefs about sexual violence, investigating their relationship with ideological indicators such as Right Wing Authoritarianism (RWA) and Social Dominance Orientation (SDO), and indicators of prejudice such as Ambivalent Sexism.
Ideology and Violence
Galtung (2016) states that it is
difficult to speak of a violent culture, since most of its elements would need
to give way to violent behaviors and beliefs. However, a first level of
analysis for the understanding of sexual violence accounts for a cultural
component that comprises specific types of violence, expressed in prejudiced
attitudes, legitimized through conservative ideological frameworks. In this
regard, the RWA helps to understand the perception towards authority figures
and the search for the preservation of social order (Altemeyer, 1996; Funke,
2005), and the SDO refers to the predisposition of individuals towards the
maintenance of hierarchical and non-egalitarian intergroup relations (Henríquez et al., 2020; Pratto et
al., 1994). Both, despite their distinct motivations, represent ideological
dimensions that prescribe how society should be structured and act as good
predictors of prejudice and social attitudes that justify violence (Duckitt & Fisher, 2003).
Ideology, Gender Roles, Sexism and Sexual Violence
Gender roles are traditionally defined as beliefs that society assigns to women and men regarding the performance of both in differentiated tasks (Páez et al., 2004; Zubieta et al., 2011); while gender stereotypes are rigid categories, about physical and behavioral characteristics, differentially attributed to women and men (Páez et al., 2004). Thus, in traditional societies, women are attributed a strictly and consistently "feminine" role, while men are attributed a strictly "masculine" role, questioning the possibility that women can assume behavioral patterns that are characteristically masculine, or vice versa (Restrepo & Aponte, 2009).
From these gender roles follow: (1) the descriptive component, referring to what a member of society does, in other words, the stereotype; and (2) the prescriptive component, referring to what society determines for each member to do and which, in turn, reinforces the stereotype (Zubieta et al., 2011). Both components, established as social norms, limit the behavior of men and women and the possibility of varying their behaviors; therefore, those who transgress the prescriptions established by the social power structure are sanctioned (Zubieta et al., 2011; Gaunt, 2013). In this sense, elements such as language, clothing, work, family relationships, among others, provide the parameters to delineate behavior in accordance with the assigned gender (González, 2008).
Consistent with the above, some stereotyped roles about masculinity and femininity converge in sexism, defined as a set of traditional beliefs about the characteristics and behaviors considered appropriate for women and men, which have a pernicious influence on women by perpetuating their subordination to men (Glick & Fiske, 1996, 2001; Glick et al., 2000). Consequently, sexism is expressed in both subtle and hostile forms of exclusion. Under this view, sexism is no longer understood as a uniform antipathy towards a certain sex, but is interpreted in a deeply ambiguous form that is expressed by the coexistence between feelings of sympathy and hostility (Cárdenas et al., 2010).
The concept of ambivalent sexism is then introduced, which would be made up of two components: Benevolent Sexism [BS] and Hostile Sexism [HS] (Arbach et al., 2019). The BS gives women the status of a fragile person in need of protection by men (Cárdenas et al., 2010), while the HS refers to attitudes with violent connotations towards women, based on the supposed female inferiority and sexual power exercised by women over men, associating them with threat and manipulation (García-Leiva et al., 2007). Both types of sexism are intended to legitimize and reinforce the subordinate position of women, in other words, gender inequality (Zubieta et al., 2011).
Previous studies have revealed a linear association between sexism, favorable attitudes towards verbal and psychological violence (García-Leiva et al., 2007), patriarchal beliefs, and symbolic violence (Pecho, 2017). It is important to emphasize that BS is also associated with the acceptance of myths about sexual violence (Janos & Espinosa, 2018) and the attribution of blame to the victim when facing this type of violence (Abrams et al., 2003). Meanwhile, the HS reinforces beliefs and favorable attitudes towards violence against women constituting one of the sociocultural risk factors leading to the existence of this violence (Heise & García-Moreno, 2003).
Both expressions of sexism are associated with ideological measures of RWA and SDO in Peruvian samples. Specifically, it is often observed that the magnitude of the RWA effect tends to be higher in the BS, considering that the RWA reinforces the preservation of a traditional social order; while the magnitude of the SDO effect tends to be higher in the HS, considering that it emphasizes the dominance, even by force, of some groups over others (Janos & Espinosa, 2018; Rottenbacher et al., 2011).
Institutions and Sexual Violence in Peru
Peruvian society is characterized by being mostly chauvinistic and patriarchal (Fernández & Duarte, 2006); stereotyping women as vulnerable, passive and dependent on men; thus, women whose characteristics escape from the stereotypical representations will be portrayed as transgressors of their traditional role, a fact that will turn them into inciters of violence and responsible for any negative consequence against them (Janos & Espinosa, 2015; 2019). In that line, at the political, legal and social level, this patriarchal position hinders the recognition and criminalization of acts of sexual violence (Janos & Espinosa, 2019; Velázquez, 2003).
This is evidenced in the study of Espinoza (2000), where it was found that 90.9% of women identified rape as the only sexual violence expression, while a minority of respondents related sexual violence to other forms of aggression such as obscene gestures or attempted rape. Likewise, more recent studies show that, of the 78% of denunciations received by telephone referring to some type of violence against women, only 8.7% were considered as sexual violence, maintaining almost the same percentage distribution in terms of the statistics of cases reported in police stations and women's emergency centers (Unidad de Generación de Información y Gestión del Conocimiento [UGIGC], 2019).
Public institutions can incite and perpetuate dynamics of inequality in society, consequently, it is important to examine the representations of inclusion at the institutional level (Sperber, 1990). Likewise, the determination of the degree of violence is often evidenced in an institutional and collective level (Cohen & Nisbett, 1997), so sexual violence can also occur in institutions that should be considered "safe" (Ariza, 2013; Organización Mundial de la Salud [OMS], 2013). In this sense, this research considers as a priority to analyze how sexual violence is represented in formative contexts of police cadets and university students.
Specifically, Borja (2019) identifies that in police trainee there is a representation that reinforces, on sexist grounds, the responsibility of women when they are victims of sexual violence. Consistent with these findings, the police have become the propitious scenario to vulnerate some rights, especially when dealing with women rights (Defensoría del Pueblo, 2019). A finding of concern made by the Defensoría del Pueblo (2019) is that some acts of violence and discrimination are accepted and normalized in these institutions, which combined with the deficient preparation and functional specialization process in the training of police officers (Ramos, 2017) could explain the insufficient capacity of these institutions to effectively address issues of family and sexual violence (Defensoría del Pueblo, 2017).
In contrast to police training, the Ley N° 30220 of 2014 states that the university implies an academic community oriented towards research and teaching, whose formation should allow for a clear awareness of the social reality of the country and encourage the rejection of all forms of violence. Sexual violence, however, is often invisibilized and complicates the recognition of patterns of violent behavior of a sexual nature among members of university communities (Janos & Espinosa, 2015; Póo & Vizcarra 2008; Vizcarra & Póo, 2011).
Considering the information above, the following research question arises: What is the relationship between ideology, sexism and beliefs about sexual violence among police trainees and university students? In that sense, the general objective is to establish a comparative view of the relationships between ideology, ambivalent sexism and beliefs about sexual violence among police trainees and university students. In addition, the first specific objective is to compare the aforementioned variables between the groups of police trainees and university students. As a second specific objective, it is proposed to develop an instrument that assesses beliefs about sexual violence against women.
With regard to the study hypotheses, the following is proposed: H1: There are significant differences on ideology (RWA and SDO), ambivalent sexism (BS and HS), and sexual violence beliefs among university students and police trainees. Lower levels of conservative ideology, sexism and a broader representation of beliefs about sexual violence are expected among university students because, despite deficiencies in the educational system, they are exposed to more critical information about violence. H2: There is a positive relationship between ideology (RWA and SDO), ambivalent sexism (BS and HS) and sexual violence beliefs in the general sample of the present study (college students and police trainees).
Results
Sexual Violence Belief Scale Data Report
To determine the dimensions of the
sexual violence belief scale, an exploratory factor analysis (EFA) over 37
items was performed. Mardia's test for multivariate
normality analysis ("Mardia's test for
multivariate normality") was performed and, in the absence of normality,
proceeded with the generalized least squares extraction method and varimax
rotation.
The first AFE obtained a good
factorial adjustment (KMO = .945) and an adequate value for the
Kaiser-Meyer-Olkin measure, greater than .60 (Kaiser, 1974), with a
significance of p<.05 in Bartlett's test of sphericity. A first
six-component model was obtained, explaining 62.16% of the total variance, with
factor loadings from .462 to .798.
Then, 6 items with high factor
loadings in more than one factor were eliminated (crossloading). In a
subsequent processing, 11 items were eliminated whose factorial grouping did
not correspond to a component consistent with the theoretical proposal and the
objective of the instrument. Finally, a new three-component model was obtained
(KMO=.933, p<.05 in Bartlett's test of sphericity) explaining 60.47%
of the total variance with factor loadings between .813 and .584 and correct
fit (see Table 1). These three components were labeled: (1) Subordination of
women, which encompasses beliefs associated with women's willingness and
availability to satisfy men's desires, (2)Exaggeration of women, a
characteristic attributed when faced with any manifestation of denunciation or
accusation of violation of their sexual rights, devaluing and discrediting such
accusation, and (3) Attribution of blame to women, a belief group that holds women
responsible for the sexual violence experienced by them by appealing to
different causes such as behavior, dress or attitude. All dimensions obtained
adequate reliability indicators.
![]()
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Table 1.
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Exploratory factor analysis
and reliability
|
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1
|
2
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3
|
h
|
Item - Test Correlation
|
|
34. A woman should always be willing to have sex
with her partner, even if she has no sexual desire.
|
.799
|
|
|
.777
|
.750
|
|
15. Even if a woman no longer wants to, she
should continue the sexual act if her partner asks her to do so.
|
.735
|
|
|
.743
|
.779
|
|
16. It's okay if a man shares intimate photos
that a woman took for him, ultimately it's his fault
for sharing them.
|
.719
|
|
|
.673
|
.747
|
|
30. A woman who has had many sexual partners has
no credibility to report rape.
|
.689
|
|
|
.706
|
.733
|
|
22. If a man gets drunk enough then he is not at
fault for sexually assaulting another woman, it was the effects of alcohol.
|
.673
|
|
|
.677
|
.733
|
|
17. When women say "no" they really
mean "yes".
|
.591
|
|
|
.584
|
.646
|
|
21. If no physical harm is observed then a woman
will not count as a complaint to the authorities.
|
.584
|
|
|
.569
|
.637
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|
9. Women who drink alcohol in public places are
exposed to sexual assault.
|
|
.813
|
|
.764
|
.770
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|
11. A "flirtatious" woman exposes
herself to sexual assault.
|
|
.783
|
|
.784
|
.780
|
|
8. Women traveling alone are exposed to sexual
assault.
|
|
.682
|
|
.645
|
.720
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|
1.Women who go out on the street wearing
tight-fitting clothing are at risk of rape.
|
|
.662
|
|
.579
|
.676
|
|
12. If a woman goes out alone on the street, she
is exposed to sexual assault by a man.
|
|
.549
|
|
.532
|
.589
|
|
24. Women who say they have been sexually
harassed at work often exaggerate.
|
|
|
.712
|
.736
|
.759
|
|
18. Women make false reports of sexual assault
because they seek financial rewards.
|
|
|
.641
|
.678
|
.675
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|
20. Women's claims of rape may be false because
they seek to manipulate their partners.
|
|
|
.628
|
.629
|
.664
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|
26. Women often exaggerate about what is sexual
violence.
|
|
|
.594
|
.727
|
.642
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|
25. If a woman waits weeks or months to report a
rape, she has probably invented it.
|
|
|
.556
|
.575
|
.714
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|
Alfa de Cronbach
|
.904
|
.876
|
.868
|
-
|
-
|
|
Note: Extraction method: Generalized least squares, Rotation method: Varimax
with Kaiser normalization, KMO= .933 F1: Subordination (24.70% variance
explained) F2: Blame (19.49% variance explained) F3: Exaggeration (16.28%
variance explained)). h2=Commonality.
|
Note: Extraction method: Generalized least squares, Rotation method: Varimax
with Kaiser normalization, KMO= .933 F1: Subordination (24.70% variance
explained) F2: Blame (19.49% variance explained) F3: Exaggeration (16.28%
variance explained)). h2=Commonality.
Descriptive
and Contrasts
of Means (Student's t-test) Between University Students and Cadets
In response to the main objective and the first hypothesis, statistical tests to determine if there were significant differences between students from an officer school and a university were conducted. Thus, in relation to ideology, police trainees showed statistically significant higher scores on RWA, while university students scored higher on SDO, although this difference was only reported at the descriptive level.
On the Violence Against Women Inventory statistically significant differences are found only on the Subordination of Women dimension, university students showed significantly higher scores compared to police trainees. Likewise, at the descriptive level, police trainees score higher on the Blame and Exaggeration dimensions (See Table 2).
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Table 2.
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Mean contrast between
officer schools and university students
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Officers School
(n=79)
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University students
(n=196)
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t
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gl
|
p
|
d
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|
|
M
|
SD
|
|
M
|
SD
|
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1.
RWA
|
3.48
|
0.34
|
|
3.05
|
0.44
|
8.47
|
167.29
|
0.00
|
0.67
|
|
|
2.
SDO
|
2.13
|
0.49
|
|
2.21
|
0.66
|
-1.16
|
186.39
|
0.25
|
-0.11
|
|
|
3.
Benevolent Sexism
|
3.03
|
0.67
|
|
2.88
|
0.87
|
1.52
|
176.94
|
0.13
|
0.17
|
|
|
4.
Hostile Sexism
|
2.32
|
0.80
|
|
2.33
|
0.94
|
-0.05
|
271.00
|
0.96
|
-0.01
|
|
|
5.
Subordination
|
1.44
|
0.69
|
|
1.76
|
0.75
|
-3.29
|
271.00
|
0.00
|
-0.38
|
|
|
6.
Blame
|
2.31
|
1.12
|
|
2.17
|
0.99
|
0.93
|
129.69
|
0.35
|
0.13
|
|
|
7.
Exaggerationn
|
2.26
|
0.96
|
|
2.09
|
0.84
|
1.35
|
126.69
|
0.18
|
0.18
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
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Pearson's Correlations Between Study
Variables
In reference to the specific objective, the significant correlations between the variables SDO, RWA, SB, SH and Beliefs about sexual violence in the general sample are detailed.
Specifically, the level of right wing authoritarianism correlates positively with the indicators of BS (r= .37; p< .05) and HS (r= .19; p< .05). Also, a positive relationship is seen with two of the sexual violence belief factors: Attribution of blame to the woman (r= .22; p< .05) and Exaggeration of the woman (r= .21; p< .05). Regarding the level of social dominance, this variable correlates positively with BS (r= .32; p< .05) and HS (r= .54; p< .05). In addition, a positive relationship is seen with the three factors of beliefs about sexual violence.
With respect to the level of BS, this correlates positively with HS (r= .69; p< .05). Also, a positive relationship is seen with the factors of beliefs about sexual violence: Subordination of the woman (r= .41; p< .05), Attribution of blame to the woman (r= .47; p< .05) and Exaggeration of the woman (r= .45; p< .05). In the same line, the level of HS, correlates positively with the factors of beliefs about sexual violence: Subordination of the woman (r= .63; p< .05), Attribution of blame to the woman (r= .56; p< .05) and Exaggeration of the woman (r= .59; p< .05). On the other hand, Subordination of women correlates positively with Attribution of blame to women (r= .59; p< .05) and Exaggeration of women (r= .71; p< .05), while Attribution of blame to women correlates positively with Exaggeration of women (r= .65; p< .05).
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Table
3
|
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Pearson correlations by educational institution
|
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1
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2
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3
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4
|
5
|
6
|
7
|
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1.
RWA
|
-
|
-.38**
|
-.13
|
-.16
|
-.26*
|
-.05
|
-.12
|
|
2.
SDO
|
0.13
|
-
|
.56**
|
.68**
|
.50**
|
.23*
|
.48**
|
|
3.
Benevolent Sexism
|
.46**
|
.28**
|
-
|
.58**
|
.41**
|
.37**
|
.38**
|
|
4.
Hostile Sexism
|
.30**
|
.51**
|
.72**
|
-
|
.47**
|
.38**
|
.40**
|
|
5.
Subordination
|
.20**
|
.42**
|
.44**
|
.69**
|
-
|
.36**
|
.58**
|
|
6.
Blame
|
.31**
|
.31**
|
.51**
|
.63**
|
.72**
|
-
|
.60**
|
|
7.
Exaggerationn
|
.29**
|
.35**
|
.48**
|
.68**
|
.81**
|
.67**
|
-
|
|
Note: Upper correlations are
from officer school and lower correlations are from undergraduates. **.
Correlation is significant at the .01 level (bilateral). *. Correlation is
significant at the .05 level (bilateral).
|
At the group level, in police cadets there are significant and inverse correlations between the variables RWA with SDO and RWA with Subordination of women. On the other hand, significant and direct correlations were found between SDO with the factors of the Sexism and Beliefs dimensions, BS with HS and the Beliefs factors. Likewise, HS presented a significant and direct correlation with the three Beliefs dimensions, and likewise, Subordination of women with Attribution of blame to women and Exaggeration of women, and Attribution of blame to women with Exaggeration of women.
As for the university students, the RWA variable presented a significant and direct correlation with the factors of the Sexism dimension and with those of the Beliefs dimension. The same results were found for the SDO variables, the Sexism and Beliefs factors.
Path Analysis of the Relationships Between
Ideology, Ambivalent Sexism and Beliefs About Sexual Violence
In order to comprehensively analyze the nature and magnitude of the relationships between the variables studied, a path analysis was performed. A hypothetical model of the relationships between variables was proposed through a path analysis that presents three levels (see Figure I). At the first level, the RWA and SDO ideology variables are considered as exogenous, structural and stable with direct influence on the other variables, placing sexism, Benevolent and Hostile at a second endogenous level. Beliefs about sexual violence are considered at a third level, as an output cognitive element that would be affected by both ideology and sexism.
The criteria for evaluating the goodness of fit of the proposed models to the data used were the following indices: the quotient resulting from the division of the Chi-square statistic (c2) and the degrees of freedom of the model (c2/gl), the Bentler-Bonett Comparative Index (CFI), the Normalized Bentler-Bonett Index (NFI), the Steiger-Lind root mean square error of approximation (RMSEA) and the Standardized Root Mean Square Residual (SRMR). According to the criteria of Ruiz, Pardo and San Martín (2010) the fit values considered acceptable were the following: c2/gl ≤ 3, CFI ≥ 0.95, NFI ≥ 0.90 and RMSEA ≤ 0.08. In addition, the SRMR criterion is 0.08.
![]()
The goodness-of-fit indicators for hypothetical model 1 are generally good: χ2/gl =.192 CFI= 1, NFI=1, RMSEA= .0001 and SRMR=.00. In particular, both RWA and SDO have been found to retain a direct and highly significant relationship with the variables BS and HS, albeit with medium-low effects. In turn, these variables are directly related to Subordination of women, Attribution of blame to women and Exaggeration of women, but only HS was significant with a medium effect size.
Likewise, RWA has presented a significant and inverse influence on Women's Subordination (β=-0.107, p<0.05), as well as a significant and direct relationship between SDO and Women's Subordination (β=.125, p<0.05), both variables have a medium-low effect magnitude on Women's Subordination. On the other hand, neither RWA nor SDO were significant as exogenous variables influencing Women's Blame Attribution and Women's Exaggeration, the same occurred with BS, a variable that did not present significant influence on Women's Subordination and Women's Exaggeration.
Based on the results described above, an alternative model with three analytical levels is proposed (see Figure 2). The first level comprises the ideology variables, at a second level the sexism variables and at the third level the sexual violence belief variables. The particularity of the alternative model is that only the significant regression lines are kept in the analysis, thus achieving a more parsimonious model of relationships.
![]()
The goodness-of-fit indicators of
the alternative model are an improvement over the indicators of the
hypothetical model 1 (in most cases): χ2/gl =1.532, CFI= .995, NFI=.986, RMSEA=
.044, SRMR=.03. Also, further analysis of this model suggests that the proposed
statistical relationships in all cases are significant and highly significant,
which would allow a more accurate assessment of the effects of RWA, SDO, HS and
BS on Women's Subordination, Women's Blame Attribution and Women's
Exaggeration. Thus, RWA and SDO retain a direct and medium-low effect
relationship on HS and BS. In turn, HS continues to influence with a medium to
medium-high magnitude on Subordination of the woman (β=.606, p<.01), Attribution
of blame to the woman (β=.476, p<.01) and Exaggeration of the woman (β=.597, p<.01); while BS
only influence Attribution of blame to the woman (β=.122, p<.05). On the other hand, SDO still directly influences
Women's Subordination (β=.088, p<.05) and RWA still retains an inverse relationship
with Women's Subordination (β=-.169, p<.01).
Discussion
The results show that beliefs about sexual violence in the present study sample are linked to sexism and these, in turn, to ideology; however, the routes on which these beliefs are configured vary between police trainees and university students. On the one hand, in police trainees, higher levels of RWA are observed, an ideological indicator that, in this sample, paradoxically tends to be inversely related to sexism and to beliefs about sexual violence against women that blame and subordinate them. In the case of university students, RWA role more strongly in the relationship with ambivalent sexism and beliefs about sexual violence, and, according to theory, in an expected sense. That is, RWA increases with sexism and agreement about sexual violence beliefs. This is a rejection of the first hypothesis of the study, where police trainees were expected to be more prejudiced and have higher agreement with the dimensions of the sexual violence belief scale because of the conservative nature of the institution to which they belong.
In contrast to the ambivalent role of the RWA in predicting sexism and sexual violence beliefs in both groups studied, the SDO plays an important and consistent role in predicting prejudice and adherence to sexual violence beliefs in both police trainees and university students. In fact, this leads to the assumption that the expression of prejudice and adherence to beliefs about sexual violence could be explained in police cadets as a dominant ideological syndrome counterposed to authoritarianism; whereas, in the case of university students, expressions of prejudice and adherence to beliefs about violence could be linked to a dominant ideological syndrome complementary to authoritarianism.
The effect authoritarianism has on the benevolent and hostile expressions of sexism, although with a greater magnitude in the former. In turn, benevolent sexism affects the beliefs that attribute guilt to women victims of sexual violence when they break with the prescriptions about their feminine role (Janos and Espinosa, 2019). However, RWA presents an inverse relationship with beliefs about women's subordination as a criterion that naturalizes patriarchal dominance relations towards women. This could be due to the fact that, from authoritarianism, paternalistic narratives about women's care acquire a benevolent nuance and complementarity of gender roles that, implicitly, implies women's subordination, although it does not imply a narrative of explicit subordination in hierarchical and hostile terms, which will be a characteristic of the route of social dominance (Janos & Espinosa, 2018, 2019).
Specifically, it could be analyzed, in the theoretical foundation of the RWA, why the prevalence of this dimension is higher in police trainees and this is explained by the authoritarian and hierarchical organizational nature of the police institution where, in addition, police trainees are at the lowest rank of the institutional hierarchy. In this context, orders must often be carried out without question, which is consistent with the construct's notions of conventionalism and authoritarian submission (Altemeyer, 1996). This would be related to the attitudinal components of the variable, since it is identified that submission and acceptance of social norms could be distorted towards control of the behaviors of those perceived as more vulnerable for their own safety, in this case, women (Duckitt, et al., 2002).
As for the route of social dominance, it is also directly related to both expressions of benevolent and hostile sexism, although with a greater predominance of the latter. In turn, hostile sexism has an impact on the three beliefs about sexual violence, which could be explained by the nature of this ideology, based on the maintenance of hierarchical and non-egalitarian intergroup relations (
Pratto et al., 1994; Rottenbacher et al., 2011). In this regard, Sidanius & Pratto (1994) mention that one of the elements on which inequities and power relations are structured is sex, favoring men with greater social power.
The fact that hostile expressions of sexism are related with greater intensity to women's beliefs of subordination, guilt and exaggeration in the face of sexual violence reinforces the route of analysis of this type of sexism as an expression of social dominance, which appears with greater intensity in university students, who, in turn, score higher on the subordination dimension than police trainees. This supports the argument that the prediction of hostile sexism and beliefs about sexual violence, based on dominance, are psychosocial phenomena anchored in the asymmetry of power between men and women, and show that university spaces are not necessarily safe spaces in the face of sexual violence, as long as the gender approach is not consolidated (Heise & García-Moreno, 2003).
The magnitude of the effects of hostile sexism on violence beliefs reflects that both authoritarianism and social dominance reinforce sexist biases at the prescriptive and descriptive levels. According to Erikson and Tedin (2003), these beliefs and appraisals about reality, which are supported by political ideology, develop a subjective interpretation in individuals about how it should be and how goals can be achieved in the world.
Through the model developed, it can be understood that the search for social control and the maintenance of traditional social norms allow the reinforcement of sexist ideas and the prevalence of the male figure over the female figure, which, in turn, shapes the beliefs in the social imaginary about violence against women. Thus, the woman is a figure of submission (Subordination of women) to the authority subscribed by the male image. In addition, it is believed that women are to blame for what happens to them, being the belief of Attribution of blame to women the only one explained by benevolent sexism, although with less impact than hostile sexism (Janos & Espinosa, 2019).
Finally, Exaggeration of women's beliefs, explained mainly by ideological elements through hostile sexism, indicates the cultural and ideological rootedness of the lesser recognition of acts of violence against women. In this sense, Espinoza (2000) points out that, upon reporting an act of sexual violence, the response of police authorities reflects the rejection, minimization and even suspicion of what is reported by women; authorities even go so far as to attribute certain exaggeration regarding the arguments presented by women (Defensoría del Pueblo, 2017; Janos & Espinosa, 2019; Velázquez, 2003), consolidating the ideological and sexist parameters that remain in the representations of individuals in the face of acts of violence. The prevalence of exaggeration and victim blaming poses a social risk of double victimization of women affected by violence that inhibits the willingness to report, affecting the right to justice of the aggrieved (Ariza, 2013; Espinoza, 2000; Janos & Espinosa, 2019; Velázquez, 2003).