Introduction

The objects of inquiry in social representations research (hereafter SR) are manifold. Villaroel (2007) points out that an SR is constituted and becomes operational when it arises from a community's need to make the unfamiliar familiar and integrate it, transferring the contents of a science or a set of ideas into the immediate reality in which social actors operate. For Wagner (1998), an SR is a set of thoughts and feelings expressed in the verbal and non-verbal behaviors of actors, generated from an object that is relevant to the social group. Thus, events or phenomena that modify the life course of social groups require a symbolic coping mechanism regarding what is unfamiliar and threatening.

Jodelet (1986) proposes social representations as modalities of practical knowledge oriented toward communication for understanding the social context. They are forms of knowledge manifested as cognitive elements, images, concepts, categories, and theories, yet they are not reduced to these alone, as they entail affective, cultural, and socio- historical elements. As Spink (1993, cited in Scaglia, 2000) states, being socially elaborated and shared, they contribute to the construction of a common reality that enables communication. Therefore, SRs are essentially social phenomena that must be understood within their context of production; that is, based on the symbolic and ideological functions they serve as forms of communication in the spheres where they circulate.

Moscovici (1979) emphasizes both their symbolic function and the active role they play in the construction of reality, defining them as systems of values, ideas, and practices. He proposes a dual function: first, to establish an order that allows individuals to orient themselves in and master a material social world; and second, to facilitate communication among community members by providing a code for naming and classifying the heterogeneous aspects of their world and their individual and social history

Regarding consensus, Moscovici (1988) distinguishes three types of representations: hegemonic, which are uniform and coercive, prevailing in all symbolic and affective practices; emancipated, derived from the circulation of ideas and knowledge among subgroups; and polemical, expressed as acceptance and resistance, created during social conflicts.

Zubieta (2001) notes that regarding consensus and the processes of formation and transformation of representations, developments from the Aix-en-Provence school—led by Flament (1981, 1987) and Abric (1984)—and the Geneva school—with the works of Doise (1975, 1986)—have been significant. The former were more interested in consensus and structure, emphasizing static elements. Thus, they introduced the concepts of the central core and peripheral elements to account not only for the structure and content but also for the most stable and unstable elements of the representation.

As Rodríguez Salazar (2007) indicates, the structural approach (also known as the Aix- en-Provence School), developed in 1976 mainly by Abric, Flament, Moliner, Guimelli, and Rouquette, among others, was the first recognized school in the study of social representations. Abric (2001) outlines that a representation consists of a set of information, beliefs, opinions, and attitudes regarding a given object, and that this set of elements has a specific organization and structure. Consequently, his theory holds that analyzing a representation and understanding its functioning requires a double identification: its content and its structure. Thus, the constitutive elements of a representation exhibit a hierarchy, imply a weighting, and a specific meaning arises from their place in the representational system and the relationship established between them.

It is postulated that an SR is composed of a dual system: on the one hand, the central system, which refers to the core whose determination is essentially social and related to historical, sociological, and ideological conditions. On the other hand, there is the peripheral system, whose determination is more individualized and context-dependent; thus, this system is associated with individual characteristics and the immediate context of the subjects. Abric notes: "this peripheral system allows for adaptation and

differentiation based on lived experience, an integration of daily experiences... much more flexible than the central system, it protects it in some way by allowing it to integrate information and even differentiated practices" (2001, p. 26). Both systems are important and associated; therefore, they must be considered when analyzing a representation.

The central core of a representation is stable, coherent, expresses consensus, and is considerably influenced by the collective memory of the group and its value system (Rodríguez Salazar, 2007). In recent years, special interest has been given in the area of collective memory (hereafter CM) to the study of history from the perspective of social representations, establishing it as an object of relevance. As Liu and Hilton (2005) point out, history is invoked as a symbolic reserve that offers concrete situations and individuals possessing an emotional relevance—largely shared—whose importance for the present is fundamental for constructing personal and group identity. SRs of history serve to explain to a social group how its reality came to be and provide a justification for responses and attitudes toward present challenges.

CM refers to the set of representations of the past that a group produces, preserves, elaborates, and transmits through the interaction of its members. As Licata, Klein, and Van Der Linden (2006) point out, situated at an intermediate level between the group and society, CM resembles Moscovici's (1979) concept of Páez, Techio, Liu, and Beristain (2007) note that CM alludes not only to representations but also to a set of attitudes and cognitive and affective practices that reflexively extend past experiences into the present in terms of memory-habit. These habits are social practices that link the past and present as operational, cognitive, and relational customs that constitute the fabric of continuity for each social group, interwoven with a universe of meanings, values, and narratives that provide a certain automatism or inertia.

In this way, CM is not only the influence of psychosocial factors on individual memory but also postulates the existence of psychological processes that surpass the individual and intersubjective sphere of memory. It refers to the interactional instance in which the remembrance of groups, nations, and ethnic groups emerges. The activity of remembering constitutes a context that influences the antecedents and effects of individual memory (Páez, Valencia, Pennebaker, Rimé & Jodelet, 1998).

Páez and Liu (2009) define CM as that set of knowledge regarding the past that, while it may not have been personally lived by an individual, is socially elaborated through processes of social interaction. This shared knowledge regarding the past is constructed, transmitted, and preserved through the interpersonal and institutional communications of a society. It is based on the premise that although the process of remembering is individual, it is influenced by culture and by being embedded in a social framework that conditions how reality is perceived and interpreted.

According to the compilation by Páez and Liu (2009), social representations of history (SRH) are useful in four specific ways: they maintain a positive image of the group; they preserve a sense of continuity over time; they provide a framework of reference regarding values and norms by prescribing behaviors; and they act as symbolic reservoirs to justify present or future stances and actions.

In synthesis, CM is defined from the perspective of content as the set of images, beliefs, and attitudes about events relevant to a group's past. It is taken into account that there is no total identity between a historical fact and its representation. History is invoked as a symbolic reserve that offers situations and concrete individuals with shared emotional relevance (Liu & Hilton, 2005).

Regarding the relevance of studying national history narratives, they provide concrete material to define identity. A social group is what it managed to become over time, and that identity is constantly under construction. These narratives respond to situations, ideologies, and power dynamics (Nencini, 2011). Research on SR agrees that the relevance of historical facts depends on the moment they are remembered. Current needs, values, and motives generate different discursive frameworks (Liu & Hilton, 2005). According to Social Identity Theory (SIT), developed by Tajfel and Turner (1986), part of an individual's self-concept derives from social group membership and the value attached to it. Being part of a collective involves status, power, and valuation that influence how people act and feel (Liu & László, 2007).

Following the line of history as a socially constructed representation, group members cite specific social actors endowed with authority, making them privileged sources of knowledge. These actors provide "facts" and accounts of "what really happened," weighing substantially on CM production (Bar-Tal, 2007). The positivity and stability of group identity are directly associated with how the past is reconstructed by these

reliable referents (Sibley et al., 2008). Liu and László (2007) indicate that historical reviews of identity inevitably assign privileged roles to certain collectives by emphasizing specific events and figures.

Sibley et al. (2008) observed how people tend to remember what signified deep social change or a grave threat to values and cohesion. Similarly, CMs are more likely to be built around events signifying profound, long-term cultural changes (Páez & Liu, 2009). Events provoking intense emotions—positive (pride, joy) or negative (sadness, fear)— are more likely to be remembered long-term (Páez et al., 2007; Rimé, 1997). Furthermore, CMs form more easily if people talk openly about events; socializing stances contributes to shared understanding (Páez et al., 2007).

Regarding SRs of Argentine history, events associated with wars (the Crossing of the Andes, the Conquest of the Desert, the British Invasions, and the Malvinas War) are prominent. Previous studies show that the Malvinas War (hereafter MW) appears as a highly relevant event in affective memory. Beyond the expected "war bias," the MW is configured as a critical event impossible to evade in identity terms, fundamental to the construction of the present and future. In terms of events, the MW emerges as a core element of SRs of Argentine history (Sosa, Fernández & Kreizer, 2022; Sosa, Kreizer & Fernández, 2023; Sosa, Zubieta & Páez, 2022).

Regarding prominent national figures, political leaders (mostly former presidents) are the most salient: Perón, San Martín, Sarmiento, Belgrano, Menem, Alfonsín, Rosas, Kirchner, Eva Perón, and Videla (Fernández et al., 2015; Sosa et al., 2013). Differences arise between civilian and military students: in the military sample, the war bias is stronger (MW ranks first), and figures related to science and culture do not emerge. In the Army sample, Lieutenant Roberto Estévez was mentioned as a relevant figure (Bombelli et al., 2013; Fernández et al., 2015). These differences reflect how each group assimilates information differently and develops a specific narrative.

The conflict of the Malvinas, South Georgia, and South Sandwich Islands, commonly termed the "Malvinas War," was a military confrontation between the Argentine Republic and the United Kingdom between April 2 and June 14, 1982, following the Argentine attempt to recover the territory occupied by the British since 1833. Following the Argentine landing, British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher sent a fleet to the South Atlantic. Concurrently, the UN approved Resolution 502 demanding the

withdrawal of Argentine troops. After 74 days of combat, the Argentine garrison in Puerto Argentino surrendered on June 14. General Mario Benjamín Menéndez established a ceasefire with British commander Jeremy Moore. The defeat resulted in 649 Argentine and 255 British deaths, precipitated the exit of the Military Junta, and led to the return of democracy.

Method

A descriptive study with a non-experimental cross-sectional design was conducted. The purposive non-probability sample consisted of 243 participants from the general population (53% women, 46% men, 1% other; M = 41.82, SD = 13.67, Min = 18; Max = 88) and 252 students from the National Military College (73.8% men; 26.2% women; M = 23.34, SD = 2.55, Min = 19; Max = 35). Data analysis was performed using Iramuteq software.

Instrument:

Data collection was carried out through an anonymous, voluntary, and self- administered online questionnaire. A hierarchical evocation test (Abric, 2001; Vergés, 1994) was utilized, consisting of the following word association/evocation tasks: a) "What are the first 3 words or expressions that come to mind when you think of the Malvinas War?"; b) "When you think of the Malvinas War, which figures do you associate with it?"; c) "When you think of the Malvinas War and its associated events, what emotions do they evoke in you?"

This test is designed to identify the elements that may constitute the core of the social representation (SR), as well as the different peripheries and their nature. Based on verbal manifestations—intended to be more natural, free, and therefore more authentic—this technique reduces the difficulties or limitations of discursive expression. Starting from an inductor—in this case, "Malvinas War"—the technique asks subjects to produce all the terms, expressions, or adjectives that come to mind. The spontaneous nature—thus less controlled—and the projective dimension of the production allow for easier and faster access than an interview to the elements that constitute the semantic universe of the studied object (Abric, 2001).

Results

Civilian Population: Prototypical and Categorical Analysis of SR of the MW

Based on the evocations surrounding ideas linked to the Malvinas War, a prototypical and categorical analysis was performed according to the participants' responses. From the distribution of associations, the following cutoff points were obtained: mean frequency = 9 and mean rank = 1.98. Based on these criteria, quadrants were constructed according to "rank x frequency." The upper left quadrant contains terms with a mean rank equal to or greater than 1.98 and a frequency equal to or greater than 9.

The upper right quadrant includes those with a mean rank below 1.98 and a frequency equal to or greater than 9. In the lower left quadrant are those with a high rank equal to or greater than 1.98 and a frequency of less than 9. Finally, the lower right quadrant contains terms with a rank of less than 1.98 and a frequency of less than 9.

As shown in Table 1, the ideas grouped in the upper left quadrant (F ≥ 9; R ≤ 1.98), linked to the central core, are: injustice (injusticia), pain (dolor), war (guerra), heroes (héroes), dictatorship (dictadura), youth (jóvenes), and unnecessary (innecesario).

In the upper right quadrant (F ≥ 9; R > 1.98), linked to the first periphery, the evocations situated are: death (muerte), sadness (tristeza), patriotism (patriotismo), sovereignty (soberanía), Argentina (Argentina), and helplessness (impotencia). In the lower left quadrant (F < 9; R ≤ 1.98), linked to the contrast system, the following evocations are located: inexperience (inexperiencia), madness (locura), struggle (lucha), error (error), heroic feat (gesta), horror (horror), honor (honor), military (militares), justice (justicia), conflict (conflicto), anguish (angustia), defeat (derrota), fear (miedo), and courage (coraje). Finally, in the second periphery, evocations such as the following appear: veteran (veterano), bravery (valentía), valor (valor), lie (mentira), anger (bronca), loss (pérdida), soldiers (soldados), recovery (recuperación), cold (frío), England (Inglaterra), deception (engaño), corruption (corrupción), sorrow (pena), history (historia), suffering (sufrimiento), uncertainty (incertidumbre), hunger (hambre), inequiality (desigualdad), imperialism (imperialismo), betrayal (traición), abandonment (abandono), national interest (interés nacional), fanily (familia), improvisation (improvisación), politics (política), and civic (cívico).

Mostly, negative-toned evocations related to the war and its context are observed. However, when thinking about those who fought, ideas and attributes such as youth (jóvenes), heroes (héroes), bravery (valentía), and valor (valor) emerge.

Figures Associated with the MW in Civilian Participants

Based on the distribution of associations, the following cutoff points were obtained: mean frequency = 14.17 and mean rank = 1.81. Based on these criteria, quadrants were constructed according to "rank x frequency." The upper left quadrant contains terms with a mean rank equal to or greater than 1.81 and a frequency equal to or greater than 14.17.

The upper right quadrant includes those with a mean rank below 1.81 and a frequency equal to or greater than 14.17. In the lower left quadrant are those with a high rank equal to or greater than 1.81 and a frequency of less than 14.17. Finally, the lower right quadrant contains terms with a rank of less than 1.81 and a frequency of less than 14.17.

As shown in Table 2, the figures grouped in the upper left quadrant (F ≥ 14.17; R ≤ 1.81), linked to the central core, are: Galtieri, soldiers (soldados), and military (militares).

In the upper right quadrant (F ≥ 14.17; R > 1.81), linked to the first periphery, the figures of Thatcher and youth (jóvenes) are located. In the lower left quadrant (F < 14.17; R ≤ 1.81), linked to the contrast system, the following figures are situated: Videla, veterans (veteranos), dictatorship (dictadura), combatants (combatientes), father (padre), pilots (pilotos), Seineldín, Estévez, heroes (héroes), military government (gobierno militar), San Martín, dictators (dictadores), and Gómez Centurión. Finally, in the second periphery, figures such as the following appear: Menéndez, the British (ingleses), Maradona, soldiers' families (familiares de soldados), military junta (junta militar), Carballo, Reagan, politician (políticos), aviators (aviadores), ships (barcos), Aldo Rico and Mothers (Madres) Giachino.

In the central core and first periphery, the most emblematic figures of the event are observed, such as the political representatives of the two opposing nations. Additionally, as seen in the ideas analysis (Table 1), the mention of one of the life cycle stages of those who participated in the war becomes salient. In the rest of the representation, military figures who actively participated in the war appear. The nuclear content of the representation is generic, primarily associated with the military sphere.

Military Population

As observed in Table 3, when recalling the MW, participants in military training mention ideas with positive and nationalist content, such as heroism (heroísmo), patriotism (patriotismo), bravery (valentía), and pride (orgullo) (central core and first periphery). It is only in the second periphery that evocations of a different nature appear, such as sadness (tristeza), pain (dolor), war (guerra), death (muerte), and conflict (conflicto), among others.

Finally, regarding the associated figures, the central nucleus is composed exclusively of the figure of Lieutenant Roberto Estévez. Concerning the rest of the representation, we find figures related to the war who had an active military performance in it.

Positive and Negative Emotions

The final objective was to investigate the emotions that the Malvinas War evokes in the participants. To this end, the emotions were grouped according to their valence: positivity (e.g., pride, honor, admiration) or negativity (e.g., guilt, sadness, rage).

When grouping emotions in terms of positivity and negativity, statistically significant differences were found: military students perceive greater positive emotionality when recalling the MW, while civilian participants exhibit greater negative emotionality. These findings are consistent with the representational structures identified for this object of study (See Table 1 and Table 3).

Conclusions

Regarding the representational structure obtained from the figures named by the civilian population, the central nucleus contains content of a general nature. Following the figure of Galtieri, references are made to "soldiers" and "the military" without naming any specific individuals. This suggests that the nuclear content of the representation is generic and primarily associated with the military sphere. Figures such as Thatcher, Videla, Seineldín, or Lieutenant Estévez—military personnel involved in the conflict— appear in the peripheral system. Thus, while a patriotic sentiment is evident, it is accompanied by a negative-critical stance, as political-military figures held responsible for the MW were mentioned. This group exhibits low positive and high negative emotional reactions, distinguishing them significantly from the military population.

On the other hand, the representational structure of military students shows a core composed exclusively of the figure of Lieutenant Roberto Estévez. This is an expected finding, given that he died in combat at the age of 25 during the Battle of Goose Green. Since then, he has become one of the most influential figures in the Argentine Army,

regarded as an exemplar of leadership, bravery, and courage, and a reference for the ideal soldier. It can be inferred that membership in the military group, as students in training, places this individual as a central figure of the war within their core representation. In the peripheral system, we find figures related to the war with active military performance. Notably, many figures appear here that were not mentioned by civilians, as they are highly specific to the military context. Unlike the civilian population, military students display a non-critical patriotic content, evidenced by the absence of military leaders responsible for the MW and the reminiscence of heroes such as Sergeant Cisneros and Lieutenant Estévez.

Consequently, a depersonalization of the conflict is observed among civilians, contrasted with the personalization shown by the military through the mention of specific figures like Estévez. Along these lines, regarding emotionality, civilians exhibit high negative emotions associated with political criticism, pain, and loss, whereas the military presents positive emotionality focused on honor, sacrifice, and bravery.

Ultimately, these results validate that Collective Memory is not a faithful reproduction of history, but rather a construction that serves to maintain a positive group identity, provide a framework of reference for values and norms, and justify present-day positions and actions. This process ensures the internal coherence of the group and justifies current frames of reference.

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Información adicional

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