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<journal-id journal-id-type="index">6723</journal-id>
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<journal-title specific-use="original" xml:lang="es">PSOCIAL</journal-title>
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<issn pub-type="epub">2422-619X</issn>
<publisher>
<publisher-name>Universidad de Buenos Aires</publisher-name>
<publisher-loc>
<country>Argentina</country>
<email>hugosimkin@sociales.uba.ar</email>
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<article-id pub-id-type="art-access-id" specific-use="redalyc">672383461007</article-id>
<article-id pub-id-type="doi">10.62174/psocial.11160</article-id>
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<subject>Sin sección</subject>
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<title-group>
<article-title xml:lang="en">Social representations of violence among Argentinian immigrants to Israel</article-title>
</title-group>
<contrib-group>
<contrib contrib-type="author" corresp="no">
<contrib-id contrib-id-type="orcid">https://orcid.org/0009-0009-7987-757X</contrib-id>
<name name-style="western">
<surname>Lev</surname>
<given-names>Hodaya</given-names>
</name>
<xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff1"/>
<email>ophirlotan@mail.tau.ac.il</email>
</contrib>
<contrib contrib-type="author" corresp="no">
<contrib-id contrib-id-type="orcid">https://orcid.org/0009-0006-5521-4518</contrib-id>
<name name-style="western">
<surname>Lotan</surname>
<given-names>Ophir</given-names>
</name>
<xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff2"/>
<email>ophirlotan@mail.tau.ac.il</email>
</contrib>
<contrib contrib-type="author" corresp="no">
<contrib-id contrib-id-type="orcid">https://orcid.org/0000-0001-6933-6774</contrib-id>
<name name-style="western">
<surname>Martin</surname>
<given-names>Rodrigo</given-names>
</name>
<xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff3"/>
<email>rmartin@sociales.uba.ar</email>
</contrib>
</contrib-group>
<aff id="aff1">
<institution content-type="original">Universidad de Tel Aviv (TAU)</institution>
<country country="IL">Israel</country>
<institution-wrap>
<institution content-type="orgname">Universidad de Tel Aviv (TAU)</institution>
<institution-id institution-id-type="ror">https://ror.org/04mhzgx49</institution-id>
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</aff>
<aff id="aff2">
<institution content-type="original">Universidad de Tel Aviv</institution>
<country country="IL">Israel</country>
<institution-wrap>
<institution content-type="orgname">Universidad de Tel Aviv (TAU)</institution>
<institution-id institution-id-type="ror">https://ror.org/04mhzgx49</institution-id>
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<aff id="aff3">
<institution content-type="original">Universidad de Buenos Aires.</institution>
<country country="AR">Argentina</country>
<institution-wrap>
<institution content-type="orgname">Universidad de Buenos Aires</institution>
<institution-id institution-id-type="ror">https://ror.org/0081fs513</institution-id>
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<pub-date pub-type="epub-ppub">
<season>Diciembre</season>
<year>2025</year>
</pub-date>
<volume>11</volume>
<issue>2</issue>
<elocation-id>e10</elocation-id>
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<ali:free_to_read/>
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<abstract xml:lang="es">
<title>Resumen</title>
<p>The present study explores the social representations of violence among Argentinian immigrants residing in Israel by the year 2025. This research was conducted through a qualitative approach based on semi-structured interviews aimed at understanding how these individuals identify and give meaning to their experiences of violence in both Argentina and Israel. The results reveal a paradox: although Israel statistically presents a higher exposure to violence (mainly terrorism), the participants reported feeling safer there than in Argentina. From this paradox, two clearly differentiated categories of social representations emerge. On one hand, there is violence associated with criminal behavior, which is random, unpredictable, and linked to the absence of the State, generating a feeling of chaos and widespread personal insecurity. On the other hand, violence in Israel (terror) is represented as ideological, targeted, expected, and managed by a present State and a cohesive society, which, paradoxically, provides a sense of order and protection. Theoretically, the social representations were analyzed from the perspective of Moscovici, that identifies how the processes of objectification and anchoring shape these contrasting images. One of the main findings suggests that the perception of safety does not depend solely on the frequency of violence, but on the meaning attributed to it. The existence of an interpretive framework transforms the experience of danger, integrating it into social and cultural life, while the absence of this framework maximizes the feeling of vulnerability.</p>
</abstract>
<trans-abstract xml:lang="es">
<title>Resumen</title>
<p>El presente estudio explora las representaciones sociales acerca de como es percibida la violencia en inmigrantes argentinos residentes en Israel durante el año 2025. El mismo se llevo a cabo a través de un enfoque cualitativo basado en entrevistas semiestructuradas orientadas a comprender cómo estas personas identifican y dotan de significado sus experiencias de violencia tanto en Argentina como en Israel. Los resultados revelan una paradoja: aunque Israel presenta estadísticamente una mayor exposición a la violencia (principalmente terrorismo), los participantes manifestaron sentirse más seguros allí que en Argentina. De esta paradoja surgen dos categorias de representaciones sociales claramente diferenciadas. Por un lado, una violencia ascoiada al comportamiento criminal, aleatoria, impredecible y vinculada a la ausencia del Estado, lo que genera una sensación de caos e inseguridad personal generalizada. Por otro lado, la violencia en Israel (terror) es representada como ideológica, dirigida, esperada y gestionada por un Estado presente y una sociedad cohesionada, lo que, paradójicamente, otorga un sentido de orden y protección. Teoricamente, las representaciones sociales fueron analizadas desde la perspectiva de Moscovici, la cual identifica cómo los procesos de objetivación y anclaje configuran estas imágenes contrapuestas. Uno de los principaels hallazgos sostiene que la percepción de seguridad no depende únicamente de la frecuencia de la violencia, sino del significado que se le atribuye. La existencia de un marco interpretativo transforma la experiencia del peligro, integrándolo en la vida social y cultural, mientras que la ausencia de este marco maximiza la sensación de vulnerabilidad.</p>
</trans-abstract>
<kwd-group xml:lang="en">
<title>Keywords</title>
<kwd>Social representations</kwd>
<kwd>violence</kwd>
<kwd>terror</kwd>
<kwd>Argentinian immigration</kwd>
<kwd>Israel</kwd>
<kwd>perception of safety</kwd>
</kwd-group>
<kwd-group xml:lang="es">
<title>Palabras clave</title>
<kwd>Representaciones sociales</kwd>
<kwd>violencia</kwd>
<kwd>terror</kwd>
<kwd>inmigración argentina</kwd>
<kwd>Israel</kwd>
<kwd>percepción de seguridad</kwd>
</kwd-group>
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<ref-count count="11"/>
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<body>
<sec sec-type="intro">
<title>
<bold>Introduction</bold>
</title>
<p>In our research, we aim to characterize the social representation of violence among Argentinian immigrants living in Israel. Since the establishment of the State of Israel until today, there has been a large influx of immigrants from Argentina, with a significant increase in the number of immigrants during the 1970s and early 1980s (Israel Central Bureau of Statistics, 2024), due to the military dictatorship. Although the Jewish community in Argentina is the largest of all Latin American Jewish communities, there are still only a few studies focusing on the experiences of these immigrants in Israel. Throughout the years, the motivation driving Argentinian immigrants to Israel has gradually shifted, from Zionist, organized immigration to economically driven immigration (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="redalyc_672383461007_ref12">Yezersky, 2015</xref>).</p>
<p>The experience of these immigrants around violence is unique, as both Argentina and Israel are considered countries where the average person is likely exposed to violence or threat in the public imagination. Findings in <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="redalyc_672383461007_ref5">Gal (2020)</xref> show how the experience of living under the military dictatorship in Argentina affected immigrants to Israel, who perceived a shift between two types of violent atmospheres. There is a gap in Argentinians’ perception of violence related to their personal safety, as they considered Argentina a dangerous country because of thefts, robberies, and shootings, which are not as common in Israel <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="redalyc_672383461007_ref5">(Gal, 2020</xref>). Although both countries are seen as dangerous, in reality, there is a big gap between the two: according to the Global Peace Index, which measures the presence or absence of violence - from fear of violence to actual violent acts - in 2024 Israel received a score of 3.115, ranking in 7th place for most exposure to violence. Argentina, on the other hand, was ranked with a score of only 1.855 (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="redalyc_672383461007_ref11">World Population Review, 2025</xref>). Due to this gap, we became interested in how Argentinians who immigrated to Israel perceive violence in both countries.</p>
<p>When embarking on this research, our aim was to explore the social representations of terror in Argentina and in Israel. In the literature on wars, the concept of terror often functions as a broad analytical category, frequently detached from its political and local meanings. Although there is no one uniform definition, most scholars agree that terror constitutes an act of extraordinary violence, directed against civilians, non-combatants, or the unarmed; aimed at instilling fear within the population; and designed to capture the attention of a wider, often international, audience in pursuit of political objectives (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="redalyc_672383461007_ref1">Berger, Hobson, &amp; Moghadam, 2024</xref>). Given its multiple meanings, we expected to hear from migrants about how their perceptions of terror had shifted following their immigration to Israel. </p>
<p>However, although we asked explicitly about terror, the responses we received revolved around violence. Our interviewees taught us that they distinguished between terror - an act of political violence - which they experienced after their immigration to Israel, and criminal violence, which they often experienced in Argentina but less so in Israel. Yet “criminal violence” is itself a very broad analytical category: any use of force prohibited by law falls under its scope (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="redalyc_672383461007_ref3">De Haan, 2009</xref>).</p>
<p>Still, the distinction between violence with political objectives (terror against civilians) and criminal violence (infringement of civil rights) proved largely theoretical. From the perspective of our interviewees, the rampant crime in Argentina’s streets and the terror that strikes Israel were not fundamentally different. They interpreted both as threats to their personal security within the framework of their relationship to the collective - the community, the nation, the state. Thus, precisely because migration involves uprooting from one state and settling in another, we decided to examine the differences between their perceptions of violence in Israel, which arose predominantly from terror - versus their perceptions of violence in Argentina, which stemmed primarily from crime. Through these perceptions of violence, we seek to trace the different social representations attached to it.</p>
<sec>
<title>
<bold>Social representations</bold>
</title>
<p>We will discuss a few themes that emerged from the interviews through the lens of social representation theory. Social representations can be defined as systems of opinions, knowledge, and beliefs particular to a culture, a social category, or a group with regard to objects in the social environment (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="redalyc_672383461007_ref10">Rateau, Moliner, Guimelli &amp; Abric, 2012</xref>). Social representation is the imagination the members of a certain social group share of certain objects and concepts in their reality. In this paper, we are interested in the way Argentinian immigrants in Israel describe violence in Argentina and in Israel, and will focus on the gaps between these two descriptions.</p>
<p>One of the recurring themes in the interviews is social cohesion. While this term has many definitions, in this study we will refer to Durkheim’s classic definition. Social cohesion, according to Durkheim, is a characteristic of society that shows the interdependence between individuals. It often includes shared loyalties, mutual moral support, social capital, strong social bonds, trust, solidarity, shared values, and common moral behaviour and norms. Social cohesion will often appear through formal and informal control, and pressures for conformity and caring (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="redalyc_672383461007_ref4">Durkheim, 1897</xref>).</p>
<p>
<bold>Methodology</bold>
</p>
<p>Our research is based on qualitative, semi-structured interviews conducted with six Argentinian immigrants who have lived in Israel for several years, representing diverse ages and socioeconomic backgrounds. The sample size was determined by the principle of thematic saturation. After six interviews, we observed that no new core dimensions or themes regarding the social representation of violence were emerging, and the narratives provided sufficient depth and richness for an exploratory analysis. As is characteristic of qualitative inquiry, our objective was not statistical representativeness but a detailed understanding of the participants' lived experiences and the meanings they attach to violence (Yilmaz, 2013).</p>
<p>The interviews were conducted online, in the participant's preferred language (English, Hebrew, or Spanish), using a similar set of open-ended questions. The questions focused on their experiences with and perceptions of violence and terror in both Argentina and Israel, their immigration process, and their comparative sense of safety.</p>
<p>For data analysis, we employed grounded theory approach. This involved a systematic, iterative process of coding (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="redalyc_672383461007_ref2">Corbin &amp; Strauss, 1990</xref>). Initially, we conducted open coding of the transcripts to identify preliminary categories. Through subsequent cycles of analysis, we compared data within and across interviews, refining these categories into overarching themes that capture the central dimensions of the participants' social representations (e.g., ideological vs. random violence, the role of the state). While our aim was to build a coherent interpretative framework from the data, we acknowledge that our study did not implement the full theoretical sampling and formal theory-building procedures of classical grounded theory.</p>
</sec>
</sec>
<sec sec-type="discussion">
<title>
<bold>Discussion</bold>
</title>
<p>In the analysis, we identified recurring patterns that emerged from the interviews and examined them through the lens of social representation theory, with particular emphasis on the gap between perceptions of violence in Argentina and in Israel. While the interviewees all agreed that violence is prevalent in both countries, the way they imagined it differed significantly between Israel and Argentina. The significance of this gap lies in the meanings interviewees attach to their lived experiences. These meanings, grounded in everyday life rather than imposed from above, shape shared understandings of concepts such as terror and violence. Thus, the recurring patterns we observed reflect not objective facts but collective interpretations of reality within each national context.</p>
<sec>
<title>
<underline>Objectification: making violence tangible</underline>
</title>
<p>The process of objectification transforms the abstract concept of violence into concrete images and models that anchor it in everyday reality (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="redalyc_672383461007_ref8">Moscovici, 1981; 2008</xref>). Our analysis revealed distinct objectified images of violence tied to each national context, shaping a tangible iconography of threat. In the representations linked to Argentina, violence was objectified in the physical and urban space of daily life: dark streets, the sudden appearance of a person with a knife, the act of entering a home and the necessity to hide personal items like a cellphone or a watch. These images portray violence as random, pervasive, and embedded in the mundane social life. The primary objectified symbol is the common criminal, an anonymous threat emerging from within society itself. In the other hand, the objectification of violence in Israel centered on institutional and symbolic elements: missile alarms (sirens), protective shelters, presence of soldiers and police, and a clear figure of "the enemy". Here, violence is objectified not as a random event within society, but as an external, ideologically driven attack met by a mobilized state apparatus. The objectified symbols are thus tools of warning, protection, and a defined adversary.</p>
<p>This differential objectification underpins the paradoxical sense of safety: in Israel, violence, though statistically more present, is condensed into specific, named objects and protocols. In Argentina, it dissipates into a general, nameless atmosphere of the everyday, perceived as more unpredictable and personally threatening.</p>
</sec>
<sec>
<title>
<underline>Anchoring: integrating new experiences into existing frameworks</underline>
</title>
<p>Anchoring is the process by which new, unfamiliar phenomena are interpreted and integrated into pre-existing systems of categories and knowledge (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="redalyc_672383461007_ref8">Moscovici, 1981</xref>;<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="redalyc_672383461007_ref9"> 2008</xref>). For Argentinian immigrants, the unfamiliar experience of ideological-political violence (terror) in Israel was systematically anchored in the familiar schema of criminal violence experienced in Argentina. This anchoring process allowed them to compare, evaluate, and ultimately make sense of the new reality. An example of this we can use one interviewee's statement: "If I have to die, I’d rather it be for being Jewish than for my shoes." Here, the unfamiliar risk (dying in a terror attack) is anchored in, and measured against, the familiar risk (dying in a robbery). This anchoring does not equate the two but uses the known criminal violence as meaningless and degrading to interpret and assign a differentiated meaning to the unknown, political violence as meaningful within a collective identity.</p>
<p>Furthermore, the perception of the state's role was anchored in their previous experience. The active presence of Israeli police and soldiers was interpreted through the category of “authority”, a category that carried a negative connotation in Argentina due to experiences of absence or threat. By anchoring the Israeli state's actions in this category, yet observing a contrary outcome, the representation of violence in Israel was actively reconstructed as "managed" and "organized," in opposition to the "chaotic" and "neglected" violence anchored in their Argentinian experience. Thus, anchoring was not a mere assimilation but a generative comparative process. It enabled immigrants to build a dual social representation where violence in both countries, though initially subsumed under a broad category of “threat", became finely differentiated in meaning, intentionality, and emotional resonance through the constant dialogue between their past in Argentina and the present in the Israeli reality.</p>
<p>The interviewees described Argentina often as more dangerous than Israel. When asked whether they felt less safe after immigrating to Israel - despite being statistically more likely to experience violence there (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="redalyc_672383461007_ref11">World Population Review, 2025)</xref> - interviewees said they felt safer in Israel. This pattern was especially clear in answers about the safety of personal belongings , as one interviewee described it:</p>
<p>
<italic>"This is a paradox, but here I feel very safe. Terrorism is something that is in the air, but personally [I feel] safe. You can leave your money or your phone, your computer in a coffee place, and go to the bathroom and go back and everything will be there." </italic>(P1)</p>
<p>This sense of security extended beyond public spaces into domestic life, as one interviewee explained:</p>
<p>
<italic>"In Argentina, [you’re] walking on the street and suddenly someone comes with a knife. Or even in the house of my parents - people entered the house, got my brother as a hostage with a weapon. So I experienced things in Argentina that made me feel unsafe. Not only me or my friends, society in general. There's almost no one in Argentina that never experienced [this], sometimes in person, like a robbery. Maybe not them, but they saw someone [being robbed]. Here [in Israel], you almost don't see situations like that." </italic>(P2)</p>
<p>Although they were aware that they are statistically more likely to face violence in Israel, their sense of safety there was stronger. Some interviewees, when asked about their socialization in Israel as new immigrants, said they quickly got used to the unstable security situation as an inseparable part of reality. The interviewees sometimes said “apathy” to terror was part of their assimilation to Israeli society, but adjusting to it was not difficult, as they came from a country they perceived as more violent.</p>
<p>This heightened sense of safety in Israel can perhaps relate to the different social representation of violence the Argentinian immigrants to Israel described in each of the countries. In our interviews we identified four main characteristics of violence which differentiated between their representation of violence in Argentina and Israel: ideological versus random violence, expected and non-expected violence, the role of social cohesion, and the presence/absence of the state. </p>
<p>One aspect differentiating between violence in Argentina and Israel is ideology. As mentioned earlier, we define terror as violence conducted in pursuit of political objectives <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="redalyc_672383461007_ref1">(Berger Hobson, et al, 2024</xref>). Terror, or ideological violence, was described by our interviewees as characteristic of their lives in Israel, while non-ideological violence was associated, in their imagination, with life in Argentina. For most of our interviewees, terror is not a concept that was relevant or common in their lives in Argentina - when asked to give examples for terror in Argentina, they referred to the attack on the Israeli embassy in Buenos Aires in 1992, or the AMIA bombing in 1994. This can be seen in one interviewee’s description of the difference between violence in Israel and Argentina:</p>
<p>
<italic>“[when I was exposed to terror in Israel] I was astonished, I was overwhelmed. I didn't get what was the idea to explode in a bus. [...] In Argentina, we didn't know nothing about that. Violence in Argentina is when you get robbed, you get assaulted in the middle of the night, but here it's completely different.”(</italic>P1)</p>
<p>There is a difference in the meanings attributed to violence, a distinction between politically-motivated violence and violence described as random or meaningless, as another interviewee explained: <italic>"Terror here targets us because we’re Jewish. In Argentina violence is random—it isn’t about who you are. If I have to die, I’d rather it be for being Jewish than for my shoes." </italic>(P3)<italic>. </italic>According to this interviewee, violence in Israel carries a certain meaning - it is clear who it targets (Jewish people), which implies clearer distinctions between perpetrators and victims. In contrast, violence in Argentina may target anyone and can be perpetrated by anyone, creating a sense of randomness or even misfortune.</p>
<p>Another theme that emerged in interviewees' descriptions was the expectation of violence, expressed by the interviewees as a constant sense of alarm:</p>
<p>
<italic>"One of the biggest differences between Argentina and Israel was that feeling of alarm. In Argentina, since the moment I stepped out of the plane in Argentina, my alarms came back. You cannot get distracted. When I get to Israel, it's like, you forget about it. It's okay, here I'm safe. I don't need to pay attention to this". </italic>(P2)</p>
<p>
<italic>"[In Israel] I’m not worried about being robbed or kidnapped. [In Argentina] I had to stay alert all the time. I even stopped wearing heels so I could run if needed. Here you can walk at night without worry.”</italic> (P3)</p>
<p>These descriptions suggest that violence in Argentina can occur anywhere and target anyone. While it is expected, its randomness—due to a lack of ideological motive—makes it unpredictable in time, location, and target. By contrast, violence in Israel is also expected—but because it is perceived as intentional and ideologically motivated, it paradoxically creates a greater sense of security.</p>
<p>Another theme that came up that differentiated between the immigrants’ representation of violence in Israel and Argentina is the role of the state. <italic>"Here, I feel like there's still a very present danger. But we're still together. And the government tells me what to do, they put an alarm [when there are missiles]. There's a danger, but I feel like it's taken care of,"</italic> (P4) described one of the interviewees. While the danger is present in daily lives in both countries, the perception that the Israeli state is active and responsive, unlike in Argentina, shapes a different imagination of violence.</p>
<p>
<italic>"Even after October 7, I feel safer here than I felt in Argentina. Several things happened to me in Argentina that broke me; several times and in the middle of the road, in the middle of the day… In Argentina I see police or I see a soldier - though I don’t see many of them - I'm afraid. And here I feel safe, I know that they really want to help me. [...] It's something that brings me security." </italic>(P6)</p>
<p>This description by one of our interviewees emphasizes a sense of trust in the authorities of the Israeli state, which contrasts with her fear and distrust of Argentinian authorities. In her experience, police and soldiers in Argentina were either absent or threatening, whereas their Israeli counterparts evoke a sense of protection.</p>
<p>
<italic>"I never had any incidents, but Israel is completely safe—you can walk around with four kilos of gold and nothing happens. In Argentina, you can’t even wear earrings or a watch. The difference is huge: over there the punishments are harsh, and everyone works, so street theft is almost nonexistent." </italic>(P5)</p>
<p>Another interviewee mentioned that harsh punishments in Israel contributed to his sense of security and also pointed to unemployment in Argentina as a factor in the prevalence of theft. These are both aspects influenced by state policy, which can point to a feeling of absence of the state.</p>
<p>The last theme which we will discuss is the role of social cohesion as a source of safety. Social cohesion can be seen as a sense of belonging to a community, which can be expressed in many social aspects (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="redalyc_672383461007_ref4">Durkheim, 1897</xref>). For our interviewees, cohesion was expressed in the sense that someone will care for them in a violent situation, even if they are strangers.</p>
<p>
<italic>“Maybe on the roads [in Israel] I do not feel so safe [...] but there are soldiers, there are police, there is security on the road. And there is something to do. I feel that we are all here with the same thought, that if there is someone who wants to kill us, then we will all be against him. We will all protect each other. In Argentina I am completely alone. I don't feel like anyone would want to protect me. Even in the attacks that happen on the street [in Israel], many times people who pass by want to help and stop the attack. In Argentina everyone sees themselves.” </italic>(P6)</p>
<p>While acknowledging the presence of violence in Israel, this interviewee describes a sense of protection based on collective solidarity, expressed by the belief she will be protected. In contrast, in Argentina, she felt isolated - even when surrounded by others. This claim is farther echoed in another interviewee’s words:</p>
<p>
<italic>"I feel like the presence of danger is everywhere. I just switched it from one to another. And I simply prefer this one, because I feel like we are together against a common enemy outside. And in Argentina, it was more like we are all enemies, because everything is backed up. And people who have nothing have to rob people who have very little.” </italic>(P4)</p>
<p>The sense of solidarity was often expressed in interviews as a main cause for the sense of safety, even if the immigrants interviewed did not experience terror attacks or other violent situations in Israel. It is important to mention this solidarity was mentioned not only regarding security forces, but also civilians, which suggests the social cohesion goes beyond a trust in the Israeli authorities.</p>
</sec>
</sec>
<sec>
<title>
<bold>Conclusion</bold>
</title>
<p>While the statistical likelihood of exposure to violence places Israel and Argentina in comparable positions, the similarities largely end there. The divergent meanings ascribed to violence by Argentinian immigrants reveal how violence may shift from being perceived as an external threat to becoming an integral component of cultural and social life. In Argentina, its frequent occurrence did not lead to normalization; rather, violence remained outside the realm of law and order. As reflected in the interviewees’ accounts, their attitudes toward these experiences were shaped by expectations of what an ideal state ought to provide. Violence was understood as a persistent source of threat, interpreted as an expression of injustice and of the absence of effective governance.</p>
<p>In contrast, the narratives regarding Israel presented a different picture. Despite the high frequency of terror attacks, some interviewees reported not experiencing heightened vigilance, nor perceiving themselves as under constant threat. Violence in Israel was not necessarily seen as anomalous. Instead, terror was framed as an inseparable feature of life in the Jewish state, accepted with resignation and even with a degree of normalization. Governmental responses, such as missile alarms, were interpreted not as failures but as evidence of proper functioning, reinforcing the perception that terror, though pervasive, is embedded within the social fabric.</p>
<p>The themes we identified in our research created two clear social representations of violence the Argentinian immigrants to Israel hold onto - one for Israel and one for Argentina. While violence in Argentina is seen as random, unexpected, meaningless and untreated by authorities and society, violence in Israel was defined seen as terror - directed, intentional, expected and handled by authorities and society. The reason the immigrants feel safer in Israel, even though statistically they are most likely to be affected by violence in Israel, can then be attributed to the fact the violence in Israel has a certain sense, while violence in Argentina is seen as chaotic.  </p>
<p>This study has sought to provide a renewed perspective on terror in Israel as experienced by Jewish immigrants from Argentina. Building on this direction, future research might examine the experiences of Jewish migrants who undertook the reverse trajectory - from Israel to Argentina - asking how they confront the rise of criminal violence there and what meanings they ascribe to it. Our findings underscore the analytical value of social representations in shaping how individuals interpret violent events. They demonstrate how meaning itself generates a sense of security and structures citizens’ relations with the state, to the extent that exposure to life-threatening danger becomes integrated into those relations. Further inquiry could investigate the degree to which Israeli emigrants adopt local Argentine narratives of violence once exposed to them, and how such encounters reshape their relationship with the new state.</p>
<p> A broader theoretical expansion might revisit the very concept of political violence through the lens of social representations, raising questions such as: in what ways do states contribute to the production of meaning around political violence directed at civilians, and under what conditions is the absence of governance interpreted by citizens as a form of political violence?</p>
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